Of course, Mr. Mayrand, but you're telling us that there are these five factors, the first of which is that an official agent has detailed knowledge. But you have yet to tell us where in the act this detailed knowledge is required of the official agent. It sounds to me like it might be reasonable, but if it's not in the act, you can't make it up.
I'm looking at the second of your five factors. You talk about the absence of the documentary evidence of a contract. Well, you've already admitted in your own examples that sometimes parties collectively make purchases—for example, lawn signs. It's common for a party to, let's say, purchase one million lawn signs and then sell 5,000 of those signs to an individual campaign. Like all Canadians, they want to get the best price. They want to purchase in volume, and it makes perfect sense. But in no instance would it be necessary for the candidate to have a contract with the supplier of the signs. They pay the party who pooled the expenses and bought the signs. The candidate doesn't have a contract for the signs.
So why would there be this second requirement of these five factors that each candidate have a contract? Again, I don't see it in the act and I don't see it in the obligations of the official agents. I'm assuming that you're thinking this is reasonable. But we have to stick to what's in the act. If it's not in the act, you have the opportunity to propose amendments and improvements to the act and the House of Commons can consider them, but you can't retroactively or unilaterally apply them.
So when I look at your factors, I think to myself, well, these might be reasonable, but if they're not necessary and if they've never been published before, it's hard to hold parties to account on them.
If these five factors are all critical and all necessary, and if just the two that I've mentioned aren't present, doesn't this whole house of cards come crumbling down? Isn't the five-legged stool now toppling over on its side?