I'd say a fair bit of latitude has also been given with the “non points of order” points of order that are being offered. It's good to see that such latitude is being evenly applied around the committee, Chair.
The report we got from RCGT is, of course, filled with redactions. A standing committee of the House is looking for information on this massive scandal that may represent up to $150 million in misappropriated funds, and I'm looking at page after page of redactions.
We don't know what we don't know. This is why you would expect that it would behoove members to have the whistle-blower come before committee and that they would want the full information.
Ms. Damoff said there was nothing uncomfortable about it. Well then, I would expect that there would be a sense of urgency for this person, who has put themselves at great professional risk to speak to the media and to speak to parliamentarians. We have an opportunity to potentially have them speak to us if the committee makes a favourable decision on a motion to call the whistle-blower and invite them to appear in the future.
The one that I just moved was spiked. That's incredibly concerning. The context of the situation is that, in a period from 2019 until 2022, we have, in just one example of the many findings by RCGT, $17.5 million of ineligible funding. That's just one example from this report. This is the stuff that's not blacked out.
For the committee to not undertake a fulsome review of this in a timely way.... This is a time-sensitive issue. They still have money. The same board is still in place. The chair resigned after outing herself accidentally at committee, thinking that she hadn't broken any rules in giving herself a couple of hundred thousand bucks. That's the casual incompetence at work in this organization. The CEO quit because the Auditor General launched an investigation. We can't continue to have taxpayers' dollars managed by an organization that is in such a state of disarray that each week people are resigning. Those same people should have been fired by the government weeks before.
The minister said there wasn't cause for these people to be fired. I think it's evident in the redacted version of the report that the government commissioned...but it is certainly in the evidence that the whistle-blower provided to them. The assistant deputy minister said he believed them. There is three hundred pages' worth of this. That information, again, doesn't come from an internal audit. It comes from people who are putting themselves at risk.
The non-compliance that was evidenced by RCGT—and this was with their having the opportunity to control the information that was being reviewed. I have great confidence, now that the Auditor General is investigating, but that's not a function of the government having done its job. That's a function of these folks having been caught.
They enjoy the protection, for now, of being able to redact these documents. If I were to give the full presentation of my motion, Chair, you'd hear me read the entire document and include every single time there were redactions. That would be theatre. That would be something worthy of TV. They're very worried about people seeing this for what it is.
I'm looking at one single page, and three-quarters of it is blacked out. We don't know. We don't know which companies associated with which directors received money, and we don't know.... As I look through it, I can't help but scoff in disbelief because, on tables that are supposed to list project numbers, fixed amounts, variable payment conditions and total funding approved, the tables are empty. They're redacted.
This is why it's so incredibly important that we're going to have the opportunity to debate a motion that speaks to the issue that has developed here at this committee. I think that when we have a question of conflicts of interest, which is the raison d'être of this committee.... We can also talk about access to information. The access to information committee can't get access to the information that speaks to conflicts of interest. It is ironic.
The examples are bountiful in this document. I think we know why we wouldn't take this matter and be seized with it as a committee. We've heard that from the interruptions to my presentation, and we've heard that from the attempt to ensure that we don't have a motion that calls for the whistle-blower to have the opportunity to come before the committee.
It's also interesting because we had members of all parties who were contacted with this information. When the minister responsible won't even take a look at it, that's a problem. That's scandalous in and of itself.
In the report talking about conflict of interest policy not being followed, it talks about, “the results of testing 21 samples (inclusive of the planned 19,”—redacted—“which were found to be of interest during testing) for compliance against the Conflict-of-lnterest Policies.” It continues, “The”—redacted—“did not consistently declare conflicts as part of the Corporation's conflict of interest processes. lt appears that”—redacted—“did not formally declare conflicts for”—redacted—“during the time of the project assessment and” it's redacted.
Section 1 is fully redacted. Section 3 is three-quarters redacted.
It's really tough for us to be able to do our job if we don't have someone who was in the room, because we're not going to get the information from RCGT. We're not going to get the information from officials.
We have one official from the government, Mr. McConnachie, who said.... First of all he didn't know that he was being taped, which is probably when you get the most honesty out of them, I suppose, but he wasn't speaking for the government. He's the assistant deputy minister. He's the CFO at ISED. Of course he speaks for the government. He's the one who said that he didn't have confidence in the board. He's the one who said that he believed the whistle-blowers, but that's not borne out in the actions of the government.
It then becomes incumbent on us to actually address the issue.