I think the bulk of the money actually comes from their fiscal system. They're acting as a proper state, so people who need to access infrastructure pay fees to the Islamic State. We're talking about a very large number of people.
The smuggling is not as important, I think, because the smuggling is taking place through a joint venture with the local population. The people who are actually extracting the oil, smuggling the oil, and carrying it to the borders are not members of the Islamic State but are individuals who then pay a percentage of their profits to the local government.
The structure of the Islamic State is such that, very differently from other armed organizations, including the Taliban or the FARC or even the Red Brigades, we have a group—which is the military wing, let's call it, of the Islamic State—that only fights, and this is predominantly composed of foreign fighters. Then there is an administrative organization, a bureaucratic organization, which is generally composed of local people. At the end of the day we have a sort of interaction between the local population and whoever represents the Islamic State, and this is where the bulk of the money comes from. So it is run exactly as a state.
Can I just say one thing about the Club de Madrid? I was the chairman of counterterrorist financing for the conference of the Club de Madrid 2005 and I wrote the section related to country finances in the proposal. I think the entire proposal that the Club de Madrid did in 2005 is still incredibly valid today. The problem is that in order to be implemented it required cooperation at a global level that, in 2005, we did not achieve. But even today, the entire proposal I think can still be incredibly valid.