My colleague says he disagrees. I think there's a strong argument there, but I'm just reading what it says:
Like so many of the big issues vexing Canada, the prosperity problem is long-standing, but has gathered speed in recent years, accelerating since the Liberals took power in 2015.
It then says, “The housing market is just the most prominent example.” This is pertinent to the study that we were trying to have just a few minutes ago, which got abridged because of this political motion that we're now forced to debate.
In any event, it reads:
The housing market is just the most prominent example. There are many factors that have led to a massive housing shortage and surge in prices, but Ottawa’s failure—
There are such strong words in this editorial.
—to act aggressively to curtail the market—and in some instances to add fuel to the fire in the form of subsidies—is a key part.
Household debt is bigger than the Canadian economy, with mortgages accounting for three-quarters of that total. That’s not just a burden on homeowners—the need to fund those mortgages diverts capital from loans to, say, entrepreneurs that might be riskier but could boost Canada’s economic performance.
Pardon me, Mr. Chair. I'm just getting over a bit of a cold. I need to take a sip of water so that I can continue on with this very unnecessary but important debate.
It says:
The housing market is just the most prominent example. There are many factors that have led to a massive housing shortage and surge in prices, but Ottawa’s failure to act aggressively to curtail the market—and in some instances to add fuel to the fire in the form of subsidies—is a key part.
Household debt is bigger than the Canadian economy, with mortgages accounting for three-quarters of that total. That’s not just a burden on homeowners—the need to fund those mortgages diverts capital from loans to, say, entrepreneurs that might be riskier but could boost Canada’s economic performance.
Conversely, the prosperity problem makes stratospheric housing prices even more of a hardship. Mortgage costs would eat up a smaller share of household income if the economy were growing as fast as the OECD average. One crisis bleeds into another.
There’s a similar story to tell with immigration. The Liberals’ determination to increase immigration levels, particularly temporary migrants, does help to increase the size of Canada’s economy.
But the pace of economic growth is not keeping up with the pace of population expansion, exerting downward pressure on average living standards. As with housing, the prosperity problem intensifies the challenges of higher immigration. A richer Canada would be better able to afford to build the infrastructure needed to accommodate newcomers. One crisis feeds on the other.
The problem is complex, and there will be no simple solutions.
Spurring greater capital spending is key, including tilting the tax code in such a way to encourage investment in productive assets, perhaps through broader and more aggressive amortization rules. Tearing down barriers to competition both internal and at Canada’s borders are part of the equation, as well. Of course, smarter housing policy aimed at sustained supply increases will help, as would an immigration policy focused on boosting incomes rather than importing cheap labour.
Those ideas, and more, have been on offer for years. What has been missing—
This is key, Mr. Chair. I really recommend that you tune in on this part. It says:
What has been missing is a government that sees building a high-wage economy as its core mission—
This is just a damning piece on Canada's economy, which is a key part of the motion. I just want to be clear on that. I am talking about this motion because the motion actually says that the Canada pension plan is a pillar of our economy. I think it's important for those watching to understand in a more fulsome way where Canada's economy is actually at. I think this editorial really nails it.
I'll continue reading:
What has been missing is a government that sees building a high-wage economy as its core mission, and bends every policy to that end. The Liberals have been fond of saying—
This is where it gets really good, Mr. Chair. I know you'll love it.
—that their government aims to help the middle class, and those working hard to join it.
Eight years on—
Does that sound familiar to my colleagues? Who's been saying that? Who's been talking about “after eight years”? Apparently it's The Globe and Mail editorial board.
It continues on to say: “Eight years on, the prosperity problem is even more urgent, and in need of a government”—we are in need of a government, Mr. Chair—“that focuses relentlessly on the entrepreneurial class—and helping those working hard to join it.”
I just thought it was so pertinent to our discussion today. I want to thank you, Mr. Chair, for allowing me to read it into the record.
The motion goes on. There are a second and a third clause, so we should maybe take up an analysis of both of those clauses.
The second clause recognizes “the important contribution of the Quebec Pension Plan which was established independently at the same time as the Canada Pension Plan”. I think that's important to say. I think it was former prime minister Harper who recognized Quebec as a nation within Canada. Conservatives completely respect the fact that Quebec decided—many years ago, at the beginning of the Canada pension plan back in the 1960s—that they wanted to have their own pension plan. In fact, as I understand it, although I'm not an expert on the Canada pension plan legislation, it is permissive of provinces having their own pension plans.
That is not to say that.... As my colleagues have said, I certainly would encourage Albertans, once they've had a chance to fully consider and understand the nature of the idea of going out on their own and leaving the Canada pension plan, to dismiss that idea. However, I want to say that I completely respect the luminaries. They are the intellectuals who governed Quebec in the 1960s and had the foresight to decide that, for Quebec, this was the right thing to do. Therefore, I think that's appropriate to acknowledge in this motion as well.
We then come to number three. Let me read it into the record, Mr. Chair. Number three reads:
Stands with the majority of Albertans who are opposed to Premier Danielle Smith’s dangerous plan to withdraw from the Canada Pension Plan that threaten the pensions of millions of seniors and hardworking Canadians from coast to coast.
This is the “divide and distract” part of the motion. This is the political part of the motion. I want to take quite a bit of time to go through this, because I think it's very important that people who are watching understand what this motion is really about, because it's really about politics.
The first six words of number three are “Stands with the majority of Albertans”. I don't know, for instance, how the mover of this motion knows that. I really wonder where that comes from. Is that just an assumption? Did they hire Leger to go and do a poll?