All right. That's great.
I have limited time, but I want to correct the record. The Canada Infrastructure Bank has funded 108 projects. A total of $18.1 billion has been invested. The total capital cost is $54.6 billion, which is roughly three times the public investment. It's expected to create 315,000 jobs and $2.3 billion in added GDP impact per year. It also funded over 100 electric buses in my region, which we wouldn't have had otherwise. Its long-term loans at very good rates have helped our region electrify the bus fleet all across the region. I think that's progress.
The Canada Growth Fund has funded 20 major investments, costing $5.14 billion, and 170 others are in the pipeline. There are 50 active opportunities. One that I'm particularly proud of is the new nuclear project at Darlington, which is a $2-billion investment that will create 21,700 jobs, add $38.5 billion to the GDP and provide clean power for 1.2 million homes.
I recognize that the two colleagues on this side don't believe in government intervention, blended finance or the government playing a role in the economy to stimulate growth, build a more resilient and sustainable economy, etc. It's not something you necessarily believe in. I get that you call it industrial policy, or whatever term you want to give it, but for me, these things are working to generate differences and impact in my community, and I'm quite proud of them. I'll leave it at that.
I'm not going to ask you a question, because I already know where you stand.
Ms. Schirle, I want to ask you a question. I found your presentation quite appealing. I thought the three questions you were using to assess government spending were interesting: Is there a market failure? Does the spending reduce friction? What is the size of the benefits that accrue for Canadians? I hope I have summarized them correctly.
I want to ask you about the housing accelerator fund, which is an interesting example. There's no clear jurisdiction for housing. The federal government got out of housing. It devolved housing for a number of years, and then in 2015, we got back into housing because, I would argue, there was definitely a market failure. There was not enough investment. Non-market housing was not being produced at the rate that was needed by the population. There are all kinds of ways to analyze that market failure. Essentially, we did not see that gap closing without significant government intervention. The housing accelerator fund went straight to municipalities, looking at ways they could speed up approvals, but injecting some needed funds to help stimulate that activity.
Can you speak to whether that meets the criteria you mentioned at the beginning?