I am from the Listuguj Mi’gmaq first nation. I am a lawyer and law professor, and I thank you for the invitation.
In reviewing the testimony before the committee, I am concerned that some of the discussion has been one-sided, and often equates indigenous fishing with illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. This entirely overlooks that we are talking about constitutionally protected rights that require respect and implementation by governments, especially so given Canada's passing of the act on the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
I also wonder how this committee's work squares with other studies of Parliament, most notably the Senate report from 2022 on advancing the full implementation of Mi'kmaq, Wolastoqiyik and Peskotomuhkati rights-based fisheries, entitled “Peace on the Water”.
My submissions are intended to clarify the law regarding Canada's obligation regarding aboriginal and treaty fishing rights.
The term “regulate” gets used a lot and, yes, the Supreme Court of Canada, in both Marshall I and II, stated that Canada has the right to regulate treaty rights. However, “regulate” does not mean Canada may legislate and limit the rights in whatever way it sees fit—far from it. Canada has a duty to accommodate aboriginal and treaty rights to fish, give priority to these rights, respect communities' roles in the management of their fisheries, consult on impacts to these rights and, finally, address barriers to the exercise of those rights. Catch limits, seasons and gear restrictions can all potentially unreasonably limit these constitutionally protected rights.
Here are some broad brush strokes on this.
Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, changed the rules of the game. In R v. Sparrow, the Supreme Court found a right to fish for food, social and ceremonial purposes. There are local decisions upholding this for nations in the region. Marshall found a treaty right for Mi'kmaq and Wolastoqiyik to fish for a moderate livelihood based on the 1760 and 1761 treaties.
Any infringement of aboriginal or treaty rights has to meet a two-step justification test—in other words, a test for what constitutes a reasonable regulation of the rights. Step one requires showing a valid objective, including conservation and management of natural resources, but the government can't just assert this. It must lead actual evidence to support reliance on the objective. In the commercial context, objectives can also include addressing economic and regional fairness within an industry, as well as a historical reliance and participation of non-indigenous groups in an industry. Even if you meet this, there is a step two.
This requires governments to follow a process that ensures its treatment of aboriginal rights is in line with the honour of the Crown and the government's fiduciary relationship with indigenous peoples. With food, social and ceremonial rights, this means governments must give rights priority after any conservation concerns are addressed.
In the commercial context, the court said that priority doesn't have to be exclusive, but it's still meaningful. The court suggested this priority could be shown by according the indigenous group a share in the industry that is reflective of both the group's proportional representation and the significance of the resource to the group. Consultation over all of this is always a requirement.
Marshall I also said that, if the treaty right is impacted by a statutory licensing regime, that regime should be amended to recognize and accommodate indigenous rights. The court has further said that a special program or law accommodating indigenous fishing rights is consistent with the charter and does not amount to reverse discrimination. Finally, the court has recognized that aboriginal and treaty rights belong to the community, so their exercise is to be governed by the community.
Canada has not lived up to these obligations. What came after Marshall was only access to the commercial fishery. First nations were told that this was not an implementation of their rights and that treaty implementation would occur at negotiation tables, but negotiations dragged on and on, often with federal negotiators saying they didn't have a mandate to talk about the issue.
There hasn't been any amendment to the Fisheries Act or regulations to accommodate the moderate livelihood rights, and current access to the commercial fishery isn't sufficient and doesn't live up to the constitutional obligation to respect treaty rights. There are also challenges with the food, social and ceremonial licensing system under the aboriginal communal licensing regulations.
Understandably frustrated in recent years, some Mi'kmaq and Wolastoqiyik have resolved to go out and exercise their rights on the water. Many have been charged. In Nova Scotia, there are about 55 ongoing prosecutions under the Fisheries Act. Perhaps not all asserted exercises are constitutionally protected, but many would be.
My point is that this is less of an enforcement or illegal fisheries problem than the failure of Canada to respect and accommodate aboriginal and treaty rights. Resolution requires meaningful consultation with indigenous groups, negotiations, taking the indigenous role in management of their fisheries seriously and the legislative accommodation of these rights.
I'll end by pointing out that indigenous peoples' own laws provide for limits on the exercise of harvesting rights, and first nation communities and leadership could be playing an important role in management and enforcement along the lines of the kind of collaboration that Mr. Young was speaking about. Unfortunately, they're being left out of this.
Thank you.