Foreign Affairs Committee on Oct. 19th, 2006

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

We'll call this meeting to order. This is the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, meeting number 22, Thursday, October 19.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2), we gather here to receive a briefing on the crisis in Darfur. In today's news we have reports that violence in Darfur is spreading again. There have been 100 people killed and 3,000 displaced in 10 villages, according to an article this morning. Sudanese Janjaweed militia and Chadian rebels have attacked at least 10 villages in southeast Chad in the past fortnight, killing more than 100 people and displacing more than 3,000 local and UN officials. That's the comment they gave.

The attacks are a spillover of violence from Sudan's western Darfur region, where violence has increased. As the seasonal river courses have dried up after the annual rains, these routes now become passable for rebel jeeps and others as they go throughout the country.

The estimates of death in the Darfur region by some have topped 200,000. Richard Gwyn, the well-known Canadian political affairs writer, points out in an article today that the government in Khartoum has successfully stared down the UN by declaring that it would refuse to accept UN peacekeepers. A lot of things keep going on. The killing goes on and on. Gwyn notes that Sudan's defiance is especially telling. He writes that it's exactly the kind of weak state where the new doctrine of responsibility to protect, which Canada played a lead role in developing, ought to be applied. Gwyn maintains that the outside world and the UN have looked the other way when it comes to Darfur.

For today's briefings on the crisis in Darfur we are very pleased to have with us, from the Canadian International Development Agency, Diane Jacovella, the director general, east, the Horn and southern Africa division; Leslie Norton, acting director general, humanitarian assistance, peace and security, multilateral programs branch; and, Laurent Charette, director of the Malawi program.

Also from the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade we have Janet Graham, director of the Sudan task force; and, Wendy Gilmour, director of the peacekeeping and peace operations group.

We thank you for coming today to appear before us to provide to this foreign affairs and international development committee the latest facts and figures concerning the situation or the crisis in Darfur. This committee will, even though it is a special meeting, wait to hear your presentations.

I'm uncertain as to how many of the five will present. Will all of you be giving a presentation, or how many will be?

Okay, there are two presentations. Usually we try to keep it within a ten-minute testimonial, and then we'll proceed into the first round of questioning, which gives every party seven minutes in the first round and five minutes in following rounds.

We're going to try to leave a little bit of time at the end of the meeting for committee business dealing specifically with a motion that has been on the books and that we talked about yesterday. My intentions for the committee are that we entertain a motion--it has to be by unanimous consent--as to whether or not we will accept that committee business dealing with Madam McDonough.

In the meantime, thank you for coming. We look forward to your testimonial.

[Janet Graham, Director, Sudan Task Force, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade]

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the committee for inviting officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and the Canadian International Development Agency to provide further details on, first, the latest developments in Darfur, the current government and projected assistance to the African Union mission in Sudan, as well as any planned contributions to a UN peacekeeping force in Darfur.

Let me begin by saying that we are deeply concerned by the continuing violence and persistent culture of impunity in Darfur, particularly attacks on civilians by all parties to the conflict, and we heard what the chairman read out this morning about the latest attacks.

The Government of Sudan's worrisome military offensive continues with government forces directly engaged in conflict with the National Redemption Front, the NRF rebels, in the northwest vector of northern Darfur near the Chadian border and also in the mountainous region of Jebel Marra.

This statement I'm reading was drafted a few days ago and I said that we'd noticed a slower pace since the beginning of Ramadan in the violence. That's clearly been overtaken by events.

Most recently we have heard of clashes in that same sector, in Um Sidier before Ramadan and since then in Kariari, and interestingly, it's been Government of Sudan troops who have suffered setbacks from their clashes with the rebel groups.

However, Canada continues to urge the Government of Sudan and various warring factions in Darfur to bring about an immediate end to the hostilities and to stop the fighting as there can be no military solution for the crisis in Darfur. We have heard the Prime Minister express strong concern for the situation in Darfur in both his statements at the United Nations General Assembly and at the Francophonie Summit in Bucharest.

We must now work urgently to achieve “buy in ” from rebel groups who did not sign on to the DPA to get back to the critical need to move forward with implementation of this peace agreement. Implementation of the DPA and an early transition to a UN-led force are important steps forward towards ending the suffering of the people of Darfur.

Canada has provided important diplomatic, financial, and expert support to the African Union throughout the peace process in Abuja, Nigeria, that led to the signing of the Darfur peace agreement between the Government of Sudan and the rebel group led by SLM leader, Mini Menawi. We worked closely with the African Union, the European Union, Britain, and the United States to broker an agreement during the final days of these negotiations. Canada was a signatory witness to the DPA.

Current reports of an increase in rape and other sexual and gender-based violence in Darfur is deeply disturbing. Canada was a leader in championing the inclusion of women in the peace talks, and we provided support to the AU to integrate gender concerns into the peace agreement.

As I noted, we need to secure an early and full implementation of the Darfur peace agreement. We are working with our international partners to find a way to bring non-signatories on board. There are a number of tracks in progress right now to do that. Canada stands ready to do our part, with resources earmarked from the global peace and security fund to support the DPA implementation team, as well as the Darfur-Darfur dialogue and consultation process, which I will speak to in a moment.

The pursuit of peace in Darfur and the whole of Sudan is a complex and challenging commitment. Canada makes a strong effort to address root causes, rather than symptoms, with the awareness that at the heart of most of Sudan's conflicts are the great disparities in wealth and power between Khartoum and the Sudan's vast regions to the south, east, and west. Much of Sudan's national wealth, and the power to control it, has a tendency to remain in Khartoum without being redistributed to the country's underdeveloped rural regions. This is why all the agreements, by the way, include wealth and power-sharing components.

The affect of this imbalance extends beyond Sudan's border to neighbouring countries, and it threatens the security of the region. Instability in Darfur spills into Chad, and it rebounds back and forth. Ongoing violence continues to destabilize the security situation, particularly along the Chadian border, as well as the border with the Central African Republic.

We see that the same dangers of almost twenty years of ongoing violence perpetrated by the Lord's Resistance Army in northern Uganda has seriously affected the security situation in southern Sudan. There's a recent report in the media this morning about another one. Civil war in Sudan has provided a safe haven for the LRA, allowing conflict to drag on. The situation is improving despite the reports of violence since the beginning of the peace talks in Juba.

Canada has been strongly involved in the international effort to prevent the escalation and instability within the region and to improve the humanitarian situation in Sudan. The Minister of Foreign Affairs recently returned from the UN, where Darfur was discussed at length and where the minister personally sought out the Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol to advocate that the Government of Sudan allow a UN force into Darfur.

As you know, Canada is a significant donor in support of the African Union Mission in Sudan, having provided $190 million since the mission's inception in 2004. The presence of the African Union Mission in Darfur has made a difference for the protection of civilians, and it has facilitated access for the delivery of central humanitarian assistance. I'll talk a little later about the critical support we are providing.

Support for peace operations in Darfur is only one part of Canada's efforts toward the stabilization and reconstruction of the region. In a complementary process, Canada also provides important funding for community-based peace-building initiatives. The Department of Foreign Affairs has established a global peace and security fund to plan and deliver effective conflict prevention, crisis response, civilian protection, and stabilization initiatives in fragile states. Through the Sudan peace-building envelope of this fund, we are supporting a variety of initiatives aimed at promoting peace and security throughout all of Sudan, including Darfur.

As the Prime Minister recently noted at the Francophonie Summit, Canada wants to promote the reform of the justice system, the rebuilding of a security system, a reduction in the traffic in arms and the reinforcement of the institutions of government and community life in Darfur and throughout the whole of Sudan.

Currently this fiscal year, we are committing approximately $13 million focused principally in these areas.

For example, as part of our whole of Sudan strategy, DFAIT is currently providing one million dollars for a baseline assessment of the scale and distribution of small arms and the patterns and frequency of arms misuse and victimization in western, southern and eastern Sudan, including Darfur.

The widespread proliferation and misuse of small arms and light weapons in Sudan is a major contributor to human insecurity.

This is the second phase of an ongoing project whose goal is to support the implementation of both the CPA and the DPA, as they both include ceasefire arrangements and arms reduction measures.

It is through the same fund that DFAIT has been able to extend our deployment of Canadian civilian experts in support of the African Union Mission, AMIS. Currently six Canadian civilian police expert advisers assist AMIS in the Darfur region. These advisers provide important training in human rights and policing to the AU Mission, while also advising the police chain of command in all aspects of policing.

To get back to what we're doing in terms of other support to the African Union Mission, we are and continue to be one of the most significant donors to this mission. Since 2004, Canada has been providing essential airlift support to AMIS. We've increased this support. To date, Canada has provided AMIS with 25 leased helicopters, two fixed-wing aircraft, and fuel to fly them. This essential airlift, combined with the loan of 105 armoured personnel vehicles, forms the backbone of the African Union Mission in Darfur. Without the support, AMIS would be severely crippled.

The 105 armoured personnel carriers and the subsequent training of AU personnel by the Canadian Forces carried out at the CF training centre established in Dakar, Senegal, have enhanced the AU's capacity to monitor and control the situation on the ground. We have provided maps and personnel equipment, such as helmets and protective vests. Also, at the request of the African Union, Canada has provided 12 expert military advisers who are currently assisting the AU with planning and logistics. This is all part of a comprehensive support package to the African Union that is valued at $190 million.

In the meantime, we welcome the African Union Peace and Security Council's decision to strengthen the AMIS and extend its mandate until the end of this year, in an effort to continue to provide important protection for civilians in Darfur and prevent a devastating security vacuum on the ground. Pending a UN mission, it is important that the international community continue to support an enhanced African Union mission during this period of transition.

We look forward to continuing to work with the African Union and to ensure the most robust and effective use of available resources. We welcome short- and long-term plans of the UN to strengthen AMIS in preparation for a transition to a UN force.

Canada welcomed the UN's recent announcement, following Security Council Resolution 1706, that it would work to support the enhancement of AMIS as a first step toward full transition. Moreover, we are strongly encouraged by the letter from Sudanese President Bashir to the UN Secretary General and the chairman of the AU Commission, Alpha Oumar Konaré, accepting the UN's proposed assistance to the African Union Mission in Sudan.

Canadian and international efforts continue to focus on contacting key African and Arab leaders who may have influence upon the Government of Sudan to urge transition.

While at the UN, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Trade met with his counterparts—foreign ministers from Algeria, Egypt and Senegal as well as the Secretary General of the Arab League—to urge them to use their influence to press the Government of Sudan to accept transition to a UN-led mission in Darfur.

We are part of a wider international effort in this regard and are not alone in our lobbying. Our allies are very much of one mind on our objective.

There are significant efficiencies to be gained, including a broader pool of material and human resources, stable funding, and decades of experience with a UN force. The UN is already on the ground in the south of Sudan and is coordinating humanitarian efforts in Darfur. Transition in Darfur will provide benefits of economies of scale and a unified command and control structure.

The Secretary General has recently stated that the composition of the proposed UN force will inevitably be African in character. That is, the vast majority of troops will be rehatted from the AU Mission, with added support from Arab and Asian troop-contributing countries.

We will continue to work closely with both the African Union and the United Nations to provide the necessary support to succeed in the transition process, as well as to provide support for not only peace operations but peace-building, humanitarian, and long-term reconstruction efforts as well.

Planning has been under way for some time within the Department of Peacekeeping Operations—the UN's secretariat for UN peacekeeping operations—to deploy a force that will assume responsibility for the AMIS area of operation in Darfur. Canada, along with other donor nations and AU member states, has been a key partner in this process.

UNDPKO has issued initial requests to troop-contributing countries for forces, but as mentioned above, the bulk of the force is expected to be drawn from African countries, not countries like Canada. But this is not to say we will not be playing a key role. Canada stands ready to consider UN requests for the specialists who will be key to the UN forces' effectiveness. These could include key staff positions, logistical and technical specialists, and other expertise, whether they be military, police, or civilian personnel.

Canada will also be one of the principal financial supporters of this mission through our UN peacekeeping assessed contributions, providing approximately $42 million toward the expanded UN mission in Sudan that would include the region of Darfur. The UN estimate for the total cost is $1.5 billion.

As honourable members present realize, even if the UN were to call for a large-contingent deployment from western countries, Canada would not be in a position to do so given our current commitments in Afghanistan and the ongoing effort to train new recruits, a process that is critical to the long-term future of the Canadian Forces and Canada's ability to continue to play a leadership role in international affairs in years to come. However, what is most important right now is ensuring the effectiveness of the current AU mission on the ground and establishing the conditions necessary to ensure an effective transition to a UN mission.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madame Graham.

Now we'll go to Madame Jacovella.

[Diane Jacovella, Director General, East, the Horn and Southern Africa Division, Canadian International Development Agency]

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to start by thanking the committee for inviting the Canadian International Development Agency and Foreign Affairs here today.

This is my first appearance before this committee. It is a privilege to be able to address you and to discuss the complexity of Sudan's development and humanitarian assistance challenges.

As you well know, Sudan's humanitarian situation remains an alarming one. Canada has adopted a whole-of-government approach to bring relief to the people of Sudan to ease human suffering, while working in cooperation with its Canadian and international partners. Darfur lies at the heart of this crisis. However, we execute projects, not only in Darfur, but throughout Sudan, to support the country's sustainable development.

The conflict in Darfur is still causing instability and thus resulting in more and more humanitarian needs. Despite the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement, security conditions keep deteriorating and Arab militias (the Janjaweed) and Sudanese Forces continue to fight, particularly in Northern Darfur, as Mr. Chairman so eloquently noted this morning.

From the humanitarian perspective, over 1.8 million people are internally displaced in Darfur, and currently 3 million require food assistance for survival. Even though the comprehensive peace agreement put an end to the hostilities between the North and South of Sudan, after a long civil war, the humanitarian situation throughout Sudan remains challenging. The population continues to need assistance to meet its basic needs and to be able to begin rebuilding homes and re-establishing communities.

More than one million internally displaced persons and refugee returnees have returned to communities with little or no infrastructure or basic services in place. We risk losing the progress made in the peace process if we do not continue to support these vulnerable populations.

Since April 2005, Canada pledged a total of $110 million for humanitarian assistance, reconstruction, and rehabilitation in Sudan. Of that amount, $60 million is specifically for humanitarian assistance.

These funds assist organizations, such as Canadian NGOs, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and the United Nations, to provide support in the areas of civilian protection, health and basic services, water and sanitation, and food aid.

I would like to highlight the excellent work being done through our network of Canadian and international partners. They continue to apply their know-how and acute comprehension of the complex issues in Sudan in an effective manner, even within the unstable and hostile environments they face on a daily basis.

Security and access remain key impediments to delivering assistance. CIDA regularly conducts field missions to ensure our initiatives with the international community are well coordinated and performing as they should be.

Within the perils and instability that now define this country, positive results have emerged. For instance, the World Food Programme operations in Sudan are expected to feed an estimated 6.1 million people in 2006. Canada is providing support to those operations.

Of particular note, in April of this year, the World Food Programme announced that funding shortages had forced it to institute half rations in Darfur camps. The immediate response of Canada and the U.S. allowed it to reverse this decision. In early May, as you know, Canada provided $10 million for this purpose.

CIDA supports Canadian NGOs, such as Oxfam Québec and World Vision Canada, and is contributing to provide access to clean water and proper hygiene facilities for an estimated 116,000 people in Darfur. Our ongoing support to a Canadian Red Cross Society project in Darfur is ensuring access to primary health care for up to 25,000 internally displaced persons and residents of the host community. Thus, even within the unstable environment, some basic human needs are being met.

In order to ensure the long-term sustainability of the country as a whole, rehabilitation reconstruction efforts are being made throughout Sudan.

For instance, CIDA is supporting the 2005 comprehensive peace agreement between the north and the south of Sudan.

Canada and the international donor community have supported reconstruction rehabilitation results. For instance, in the health sector, 840 medical kits have been delivered to health facilities located mostly in the south of Sudan. In the educational sector, 20,000 educational kits were provided to teachers, while primary schools were provided with 950,000 textbooks. Over 150,000 kilometres of important roads in Sudan have been de-mined, thus allowing safer road transport.

These results illustrate how Canada, in collaboration with our partners, is making a difference in Sudan.

In conclusion, although some progress has been made, renewed fighting and impeded humanitarian access in Darfur underscore the challenges of working in a fragile context.

CIDA is contributing to Canada's whole-of-government approach in its efforts to reduce the vulnerability of crisis-affected populations and to restore the capacity of public institutions in civil society.

CIDA continues to balance support for the life-saving and early recovery needs of displaced populations with long-term rehabilitation and reconstruction activities that can promote the conditions for sustainable development in all of Sudan.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you to our presenters.

I know we have had motions before the House where we have debated this crisis in Sudan, which we all recognize.

I appreciate that you came to give us a little bit of an update on what we're actually doing on the ground. I know there are going to be lots more questions as we delve into what we're doing, how we can better do it, and what more we could do.

I'm going to start the first round by going to Mr. Martin, please, for seven minutes.

[Keith Martin, Liberal, Esquimalt—Juan de Fuca, BC]

Thank you.

Thank you very much, all of you, for being here. It's such a difficult file and I don't envy you, but we're all here struggling to try to alleviate the trauma that has been inflicted upon the Sudanese people.

Flying down the White Nile, all we see is the opportunity for there not to be real food program needs in the future, and I hope that comes to pass. I think we're at a fork in the road, whether we choose to pursue blind-ended negotiations that will go nowhere or whether we choose a course of action that is actually going to save lives.

In my experience in dealing with the Sudanese government, which I think is the longest-serving genocidal regime in the world, a group, quite frankly, of pathological liars, I believe that if you look at their experience and activities in the Nuba Mountains and in the south, all you will see is a political tack that they have pursued, which was to lead the international communities down a series of blind alleys that enabled them to continue the genocide that was occurring.

So I have one plea. There's a project in the United States called the Sudan Alien Project--which I'll share with you later--that will help to limit the extension of the conflict into Chad and CAR. I can give that to you later.

My questions, though, are really these. If Jan Egeland is correct and the only way to stop the genocide is for a chapter 7 Security Council resolution to be implemented, where are the troops that you're speaking about coming from and how many have been stood up so far? Because time is running out, this will obviously have to be implemented in January.

My next question is, how are you going to get those troops in there if Khartoum has explicitly said it will not allow UN troops to get onto Sudan's soil? Are you willing to advocate--because I think we have to--and say we're going in with a group of other countries, we're going to implement that Security Council resolution, and we're going to stop the genocide and we're going to stop it now?

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Mr. Martin.

Madam Graham.

[Janet Graham]

Thank you.

The UN Security Council Resolution 1706, which we are working with now, requires the consent of the Government of Sudan. That's why the international community has been full court press on persuading the Government of Sudan to accept the UN mission as the only way to bring peace and stability back to Darfur.

The resolution requires their consent, and the UN is planning, as I said, a force of African character. DPKO has gone out and called on troop-contributing countries and has started the process of doing so. The numbers are roughly 17,000 in total for the UNMIS operation in Darfur, because Darfur will be an extension of the UN mission already in the south.

I think the Security Council would have to go back to do another resolution, if there were to be a change in wording, a change of process in terms of how the international community wanted to deal with Sudan. But for the moment, Resolution 1706 is on the table. We're trying to get the Sudanese government to accept it, and UN DPKO is planning accordingly.

[Keith Martin, Liberal, Esquimalt—Juan de Fuca, BC]

The problem, as you and I know in our hearts, is that Sudan has deliberately said, “Yes, of course we support the African Union force going in”, because they know the African Union force has been unable to stop the carnage that is taking place. You've seen the Amnesty International reports that talk about pregnant women and little girls as young as eight being carved up in front of their families, and Jan Egeland's saying that unless the troops get in there now we'll be faced with 100,000 deaths per month for the foreseeable future.

So given the fact that Sudan has explicitly said it will not allow UN troops to go in, are you willing to advocate? Don't you think that either we fulfill the meaning of chapter 7 and fulfill the meaning of the right to protect or we go back to the Security Council and say that we must have a resolution that allows UN troops to go in, whether Khartoum agrees with it or not? Isn't that the only way to stop the murder?

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Madam Graham.

[Janet Graham]

Internationally, the collective view is that this option would be so difficult to get through the Security Council that we need to take a step-by-step approach to try to get the Government of Sudan to accept a UN force and to work with the African Union to ensure that they're more effective.

If that fails, and I think the timeframe in terms of deciding whether that fails is relatively short.... Nobody is going to set deadlines they can't meet, but I expect we will all want to go back, or ask the Security Council to go back, and look at the kinds of measures they can put in place that would call for a stiffer resolution, if we cannot get the Government of Sudan to agree to this.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

You have another minute.

[Wendy Gilmour, Director, Peacekeeping and Peace Operations Group, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade]

The only thing I would add quickly is that as you very well know—and it's important for us all to remember—there already is a UN force in the south of Sudan with 10,000 military members. The Government of Sudan has accepted international troops being on its territory so far. The African Union force is there with 7,700 people. So the Government of Sudan has a history of accepting international assistance.

Number two, the—

[Keith Martin, Liberal, Esquimalt—Juan de Fuca, BC]

They accepted that only after 2.2 million people were killed. I was down in the south when this happened, and that's the game they're playing. They let these negotiations go on until the people are devastated, genocide has occurred, and then they say, come on in. That's the problem we're facing with Darfur.

[Wendy Gilmour]

The second issue that's important to remember is that as it stands right now, the African Union force is on the ground. It is making a difference. It's not perfect, it's not completely stopping the violence, but it is having an effect on the ground. There are areas of Darfur that are better off now for the force being there than they were before.

The United Nations has agreed with the Government of Sudan that there will be a first element of the new force, which has been approved, that will be going in to assist the African Union during the transitional phase. So there is progress there, and as Janet has said, there's going to be a process to bring additional pressure to bear on the Government of Sudan, so that it fully accepts 1706, as it's been written.

When 1706 has been implemented, there will be an additional 17,300 international forces, minus the 7,600 that are already there, plus additional police forces. There are going to be 16 police units formed that will also have an impact on the ground.

The last thing I would say is it's absolutely fundamental to remember that the security situation in Darfur, as in all of Sudan, rests with the responsibility of the Government of Sudan itself. They have signed the Darfur peace agreement. One rebel party has signed the Darfur peace agreement—

[Keith Martin, Liberal, Esquimalt—Juan de Fuca, BC]

It's in a coma, though.

[Wendy Gilmour]

Our efforts have to try to ensure the implementation of that agreement and help the parties where we can.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madam Gilmour.

Madam Barbot.

[Vivian Barbot, Bloc, Papineau, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for joining us.

Without question, the Darfur crisis affects us, not just when you provide fact-based answers about the number of troops involved, but even more still, when we're left with the feeling that we're witnessing a repeat of the tragedy in Rwanda, without being able to do anything about it. You're telling us that some progress has been made, but that it isn't apparent. We're continuing to hear that more and more people are dying. When we consider what level of humanitarian assistance CIDA can provide, we realize that it's a mere drop in the bucket compared with the real needs of the population. The country has not been secured. For years, the situation has been left in the hands of the African Union. It's well known that the African Union is ill-equipped to do the job, that the UN's presence is Sudan is not enough and that the President has no desire to welcome a stronger UN military presence which could address the problem once and for all. Therefore, there appears to be no end whatsoever to the current crisis.

Forces from other countries are present in Sudan. China and Russia have tremendous influence on the Khartoum government. Is Canada involved diplomatically in the area? Is it really applying the 3D approach in Darfur? We're seeing non-Canadian forces at work. A very different approach is being taken to Darfur, compared to what was done in Kosovo, and we can't understand the reason why.

Is the government guilty of a double standard? Why is Canada getting bogged down over the obligation to protect, with the stipulation that the government's approval is required? When that approval is not forthcoming, should we just drop everything and leave?

Will sanctions be applied? Will we be stepping up our efforts, as far as the other Khartoum allies are concerned? Putting it another way, what measures are being taken to correct this situation and end the crisis once and for all?

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madame Barbot.

Who wants to try to deal with that one?

Madam Graham.

[Janet Graham]

Thank you.

You've touched on quite a number of points. I just want to say at the outset that it's a terrible situation. Everybody agrees with that. It's taking place in one of the most remote parts of the world in a country with a history of treating its own people terribly. The international community is struggling to deal with this issue through the multilateral process we've agreed to follow.

There is considerable diplomatic work. The Minister of Foreign Affairs has been in touch with his counterparts in Russia and China to ask them to put pressure on the Government of Sudan as members of the Security Council. He has also made direct appeals to counterparts in North Africa and in Muslim countries to do the same.

At our ambassadorial level throughout Africa, the Middle East, China, and Russia, we have made those diplomatic démarches to request the kind of pressure from countries that could have an influence on the Government of Sudan so it might listen to them.

Not only Canada is doing that; Canada is a member of the contact group. Countries that are doing more than any others to assist the African Union Mission and provide assistance in Sudan, humanitarian and otherwise, are the United States, the U.K., the Netherlands, Norway, France, and the European Union. We work very closely together. I speak with my counterparts on a weekly basis to coordinate the kinds of diplomatic initiatives we can undertake to push this forward.

We are also working collectively to get the Darfur peace agreement back on track through bringing in non-signatories, because it is the only peace agreement we have. It's stalled because of the violence, but also because there are non-signatories. So it's absolutely essential that the Government of Sudan does not have another pretext to keep fighting. That's an important part of the aspect that we're trying to address.

There are sanctions, but they are targeted against individuals. If Canada and other countries do not see progress, we'll call on the Security Council to take measures that are within its purview, and sanctions are certainly part of that package. Whether it's targeted sanctions against the Government of Sudan or whether it includes no-fly zones, there's a whole range of sanctions or measures that can put pressure on the Government of Sudan to move forward on this.

It is also part of the process to call on the Government of Sudan to hold it accountable for what it's doing. The International Criminal Court, with financial support from Canada, has investigations on war crimes in Sudan, and that is also part of the process.

[Diane Jacovella]

I would simply like to say that in addition to our ongoing diplomatic efforts, we are endeavouring to show the population that the peace process between the North and the South has some benefits. We are working hard with other donors to achieve results. The process takes time and the environment is harsh. Measures need to be put in place and the Sudanese government's ability to act needs to be reinforced. The process of establishing Sudanese institutions capable of delivering services is a slow one, but we are endeavouring to show that a peace process does result in a better quality of life.

From a humanitarian standpoint, I think we both agree that the need is tremendous. However, Canada has responded rather quickly. We are one of the leading donors this year from a humanitarian perspective. We responded immediately in May when a call went out for assistance under the WFP. We're working with other partners to obtain tangible results as quickly as possible.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madame Jacovella.

Mr. Goldring.

[Peter Goldring, Conservative, Edmonton East, AB]

Thank you very much.

Thank you for coming here today.

Ms. Graham, in your presentation you mentioned that while at the UN, the Minister of Foreign Affairs met his counterparts from Algeria, Egypt, and Senegal, as well as the secretary general of the Arab League, to urge them to use influence. You were talking about other initiatives that have been taken as well.

What progress has been made with these initiatives? Are we any closer at all? Is there a timeframe for a direction or something to happen for it to come under the auspices of a United Nations-led mission? If that does happen, outside of the number of troops on the ground, or whatever, how could the United Nations' presence by leading this mission dramatically change the present circumstances there?

[Janet Graham]

We are, as I noted in my speech, very encouraged that President al-Bashir has accepted the UN offer to provide assistance directly to the African Union Mission. People aren't quite talking about the thin edge of the wedge, but it's a start. It's a start.

There is an operation of approximately 200 military and civilian personnel that will be ready to go. Some of them are there already. They have been accepted by the Government of Sudan, and I think that is quite a dramatic breakthrough. It may not make a big difference, but it will make a difference, I think, to the morale of the African Union Mission, to a certain extent, to have further material advisers in place who can assist them. And I think it's given a new impetus to the efforts throughout Africa.

There is going to be, shortly, a visit by senior African leaders. The President of Nigeria, the President of Senegal, the President of Libya, and one other that I can't remember, are going to be there this week to continue with that dialogue about accepting a UN mission. We believe the secretary-general is going to be making a visit. The Arab League is going to be meeting with the African Union to try to also put on pressure. So there are concerted collective efforts to keep the momentum going.