Foreign Affairs Committee on Feb. 5th, 2008

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Colleagues, welcome. This is meeting number 11 of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, Tuesday, February 5, 2008.

Our orders of the day include a briefing on the situation in Somalia. As witnesses, from the Canadian International Development Agency we have Nadia Kostiuk, the assistant general director of geographic programs and vice-president, Africa; and Ken Neufeld, director of geographic programs, east and southern Africa division, Africa branch. From the Department of Foreign Affairs, we have David Angell, director general, Africa bureau.

In our second hour we will deal with committee business.

I also want to welcome a number of other colleagues here. All of us are very concerned and very aware of the reasons for which we've asked you to come today, namely the events that have gone on in Somalia. Over the last couple of weeks we've looked at issues in Burma. Today we will look at issues in Somalia. Within the next little while it will be Sudan and other areas of Africa as well.

We look forward to your briefings. We thank you for coming.

We'll invite Mr. Angell to give us his presentation.

[David Angell, Director General, Africa Bureau, Department of Foreign Affairs]

Mr. Chairman, members, it's an honour to appear before the standing committee to discuss Canada's engagement in the Horn of Africa, specifically in Somalia. I'll address the current situation in the Horn and in Somalia and discuss briefly Canadian and international diplomatic efforts. My colleague from CIDA, Nadia Kostiuk, will discuss Canada's humanitarian and financial contribution in greater detail, and then we would both be happy to take questions.

My comments focus on the four countries generally defined as comprising the Horn of Africa, namely Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia. I understand that this committee will be addressing the situation in adjacent Sudan later this month.

Mr. Chairman, the Horn of Africa's geography has been central to its political, social and economic development for centuries. Relations between the countries in the Horn—and especially between Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia—are intertwined and complex.

Firstly, for example, there is an ongoing and serious border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia. The decisions in 2002 of the internationally-mandated Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission have still to be implemented. Neither country is willing to enter into negotiations without conditions, and both remain prepared to resume battle.

Secondly, Ethiopian troops remain in Somalia. The African Union and some countries within the region view this as a liberating and security force, others as an occupying force.

Thirdly, Ethiopia accuses Eritrea of inciting the large ethnic Somali population in Ethiopia to create instability, and of supporting the opposition forces in Somalia.

Underlying this dynamic are challenges within several of the countries that comprise the Horn, challenges relating to governance and human rights, to acute poverty exacerbated by endemic drought and food insecurity, and to internal conflict. To these have been added new security challenges including international terrorism, largely because of the weakness of states in the region.

Mr. Chairman, within the Horn, Somalia, which I realize is your principal interest, plays a crucial geographic and political role. It is a failed state that has been without a functioning government since 1991. Somalia is a centre of internal and regional insecurity, with continual humanitarian suffering, famine, and outward migration.

In the past two years, through the mediation of the subregional organization, the International Governmental Authority on Development, or IGAD, and supported by the United Nations and the African Union, a time-bound transitional federal government has emerged and a national reconciliation congress has been held. Thus far the TFG, the transitional federal government, has not achieved the required security and reconciliation and it continues to encounter active resistance by a largely Islamist opposition, whose resistance is inspired, in part, by Ethiopia's military intervention.

However, there have been encouraging developments in the recent past. These include, first, a renewed commitment to reconciliation on the part of the new TFG Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein; second, the preparation for the first time of an integrated TFG priorities and plan of action, which has the potential to provide the basis for a road map for Somalia; and third, a renewed diplomatic initiative centred on the new and exceptionally dynamic special representative of the UN Secretary General for Somalia, Ahmedou Ould Abdallah, and a new African Union special representative for Somali, Nicolas Bwakira.

The UN Security Council approved the mandate for an African Union mission in Somalia, AMISOM, the implementation of which has, unfortunately, been slow. There are currently 1,500 Ugandan troops and some 600 soldiers from Burundi on the ground, with additional soldiers from two other African countries expected to arrive within the next two or three months. This remains a fraction of the 8,000 troops authorized for AMISOM and it is not sufficient either to restore order or to provide the necessary protection to the civilians of Somalia, and especially Mogadishu. Indeed, the UN Secretary General has indicated that the operating environment in Somalia is so difficult that a UN peace support operation may not be a viable option.

Meanwhile, the humanitarian situation in Somali is judged by the UN to be among the worst in the world, with nearly 1.5 million displaced, aid being hampered or pirated, and humanitarian workers under threat.

Mr. Chairman, Canada's diplomatic engagement in the Horn of Africa reflects a broader commitment to contribute to the maintenance of peace and security and to promote good governance, democracy and human rights.

With regard to each of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, Canada has—through its missions and mission heads in Kenya and Ethiopia—encouraged the promotion of good governance and reconciliation. We have encouraged respect for human rights, for international humanitarian law, and for international decisions and agreements, including the decisions of the UN Security Council and of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission. And we have constantly emphasized the importance of each country playing a constructive role within the sub-region.

With reference to Somalia, Canada has participated in the International Contact Group on Somalia, the principal international mechanism in support of peace. The International Contact Group is reflecting on how to achieve greater impact on the ground in Somalia. Canada has endorsed this.

We are also undertaking targeted engagement in Somalia, working with local partners, to strengthen the media, to develop citizenship, to promote human rights, to empower women and to foster reconciliation.

Promoting the role of the media in Somalia has particular salience for Canada in view of the murder in August of the Somali Canadian journalist, Ali Iman Sharmarke, and his colleague, Mahad Ahmed Elmi.

Ultimately, however, Canada and other international partners can but help. It is for Somalis, working through the transitional federal government and other mechanisms, to ensure their own destiny. This point was underlined in a recent report by the UN Secretary General on Somalia. While circumstances do not permit formal diplomatic relations with any Somalian government, Canada maintains contacts with the TFG, including with the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ali Ahmed Jama, who is a Canadian of Somali origin.

Mr. Chairman, in conclusion, I would emphasize that the Horn of Africa remains an especially complex part of the world. The challenges are great, and in some places, such as Somalia, the tools at our disposal to address them are few indeed. But we will continue to try to find ways to improve human rights, democratic development, and governance in the Horn, not just for the people of the Horn, but for greater security and stability globally. And we will remain alert to new opportunities for engagement in Somalia, as and when the situation on the ground improves.

The government appreciates the concerns and contributions of the growing diaspora communities in Canada from the Horn of Africa, including what I understand to be the largest Somalia diaspora community in the world, communities that are succeeding in making important contributions both to Canada and to their countries of origin. And of course we appreciate the commitment of Canadian parliamentarians in helping to achieve lasting solutions to the challenges in the Horn of Africa, including Somalia.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Mr. Angell.

We'll move to our second presentation, and that comes by way of CIDA and Ms. Kostiuk.

[Nadia Kostiuk, Assistant General Director, Geographic Programs and Acting Vice President, Africa, Canadian International Development Agency]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thank you very much for the invitation to appear before the standing committee to discuss the work that CIDA does in the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia.

As my colleague David Angell has described, the Horn of Africa is an intertwined and complex region composed of four countries: Somalia, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Ethiopia.

I must say that CIDA's only bilateral program in the Horn is in Ethiopia, with its 77 million people representing roughly 85 percent of the region's total population. Ethiopia is one of the poorest countries in the world, currently ranked 169 out of 177 on the United Nations human development index. It is in fact the largest extremely poor country in the world.

Our development programs in Ethiopia focus on poverty reduction, primarily through work to improve agricultural production and food security for the poorest eight million Ethiopians. The promotion of human rights and democratic governance is also a key priority. All CIDA programming in Ethiopia is delivered through international organizations, Canadian firms, and non-governmental organizations. CIDA's bilateral program disbursements, those directed by my branch, in 2007-08 are projected to exceed $70 million.

Canada does not provide bilateral assistance to Eritrea, but can and would respond to humanitarian emergencies. There is a small local initiatives fund in Djibouti, managed by the Canadian Embassy in Addis-Ababa, that supports human rights and democratic government activities.

Canada's contribution to Somalia is primarily in the form of the financing of humanitarian assistance. This assistance is delivered by humanitarian agencies including the International Committee of the Red Cross, the World Food Program, the WFP, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, as well as Canadian non-governmental organizations such as World Vision, OXFAM Canada, and Médecins Sans Frontières. These trusted partners are widely recognized for their experience working in Somalia and other situations of conflict or insecurity.

In 2007, CIDA provided approximately $15 million to aid Somalis displaced by their ongoing conflict and flooding. Somalia received another $15.6 million in 2007 from the UN's Central Emergency Revolving Fund, the CERF, to which Canada is the fifth largest donor.

Canada also provides non-humanitarian assistance to Somalia. The Canadian High Commissioner in Nairobi manages the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives. This $500,000 fund supports small governance initiatives in Somalia with the objective of promoting human rights, equality between women and men and the development of independent media, as my colleague just explained. Additionally, through its support to the African Union, Canada is contributing to that organization's efforts to resolve the crisis in Somalia, particularly in mediation, negotiation, and peace monitoring activities.

CIDA's decisions on funding for activities in Somalia are taken based on close consultation and collaboration with the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade.

The delivery of programming in Somalia is very difficult. The chief constraint is insecurity stemming primarily from the ongoing conflict in the south between the Ethiopian-backed transitional federal government, or the TFG, and a loose coalition of Islamic insurgent groups. Humanitarian agencies report increasing difficulties reaching those in need due to the conflict and to the lack of respect for international humanitarian law demonstrated by, I must say, all sides to the conflict. Attacks on non-combatants, extra-judicial executions, and other human rights abuses have led to a dramatic increase in the number of people forced to flee their homes. Nationwide, more than one million people have been displaced, one quarter of them just in the last three months.

Humanitarian organizations are frustrated by the denial of access, extortion at roadblocks, and intimidation or violence at distribution sites. Targeted violence against humanitarian workers has also become an important issue. Representatives from CIDA and the Canadian High Commission in Nairobi visited Somalia in November of last year and corroborated the concerns voiced by humanitarian agencies.

Médecins Sans Frontières announced just last Friday, on February 1, that it is withdrawing its international staff from Somalia following a bomb blast that killed three of their employees in Kismayu. MSF has indicated that it will continue to deliver their programming with the help of their local staff. However, it is too early to tell what the impact of last week's bombings and the subsequent decision by MSF will mean for the delivery of humanitarian assistance in what is already a very difficult environment.

Insecurity is less pronounced in the semi-independent northern provinces of Puntland and Somaliland, although the situation there has deteriorated with a border clash between them in October 2007 and with the recent kidnappings of a journalist and aid workers in Puntland.

The situation in Somalia is further complicated by pirate attacks on ships delivering aid, although no attacks have occurred since November, when France began providing naval escorts for World Food Programme ships. The U.S. Navy recently made forceful interventions to resolve pirate attacks on commercial vessels.

The Horn of Africa remains a complex part of the world and constitutes a challenge for the international community. As my colleague David Angell emphasized, the region is of strategic importance from both an international and Canadian perspective. Despite longstanding challenges, we can see signs of progress in the region, especially in Ethiopia, one of the most influential countries in this volatile region, and on the continent. Ethiopia is working, with donor support, to address the scale and depth of poverty compounded by weak public sector institutions.

Somalia's challenges are very directly related to stability and security. However, in spite of the very difficult operating environment, Canada's assistance is delivered to those most in need, with close monitoring of those efforts. There is some progress, such as in the provision of emergency food to nearly 2.2 million internally displaced people and to other people affected by conflict or natural disaster. There is also access to medical care and sanitation services for nearly 27,000 people living close to the MSF-managed hospital in Galcayo. We're hoping that they will be able to keep that open.

I must say, in conclusion, Mr. Chair, that the Horn of Africa ranks near the bottom in the world, and indeed below the rest of Africa, on the human development index. Its peoples face the challenges of overwhelming dependence on international support.

Canada is contributing to global security in the region by investing in its stability through a combination of emergency assistance and support for sustainable poverty reduction.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madam Kostiuk.

We'll move into our first round, the seven-minute round. We'll begin with Mr. Patry.

[Bernard Patry, Liberal, Pierrefonds—Dollard, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I will be sharing my time with my colleague, Mr. Wrzesnewskyj. I would like to thank our witnesses for being with us this afternoon.

According to the United Nations special representative for Somalia, Mr. Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, the humanitarian situation is Somalia, which you have just described, is the worst in Africa. That is a very troubling assertion, given what is happening elsewhere in Africa, particularly in Darfur, Sudan, North Kivu, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and what will perhaps soon develop in Chad.

We know that Somalia is divided into three regions, and that the two semi-autonomous regions in the North, Puntland and Somaliland, are relatively functional by African—although not northern—standards.

Human Rights Watch has harshly criticized war crimes in Somalia. A tally of collateral victims is no longer kept. You spoke about what was happening in the Mogadiscio region. The Somali President, Mr. Yusuf, believes it acceptable to punish a neighbourhood that has not blown the whistle on its insurgents. That is what he himself said.

Mogadiscio was once a city of a million inhabitants; today it is home to only 200,000. Some fifteen refuge camps housing more than 200,000 refugees have sprung up within a 60-kilometre radius of Mogadiscio. The situation is critical both in terms of humanitarian needs and human rights.

I have two questions for you. The European Parliament has demanded an independent inquiry into the war crimes, and the United Nations Special Representative, Mr. Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, has requested that they be heard by the International Criminal Court. Will Canada be supporting this request?

Secondly, what is Canada doing with regard to humanitarian aid which, according to the Red Cross, is insufficient in light of the overwhelming needs? I know that we play a role through the WFP and the United Nations, but as a country, are we really present in the region, or are we simply giving money to international organizations and then claiming to have done our part?

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Borys, do you want to ask a question?

[Borys Wrzesnewskyj, Liberal, Etobicoke Centre, ON]

Thank you, Chair.

With the limited time we have, I'm going to ask a couple of quick questions.

Ms. Kostiuk, you mentioned that in 2007 there was $15 million in humanitarian aid provided through a UN project. We were the fifth-largest contributor. Could we get the dollar amount of Canada's contribution through this mechanism in 2007?

Also, it seems that we're unable to deliver the badly needed humanitarian aid. Somalia, after Iraq, is probably the most decrepit place on the planet right now, with the greatest humanitarian requirements. We're unable to deliver because we don't have the security in place to be able to do so. We put institutions in place--the African Union peacekeeping mission, AMISOM--yet we never came forward with the resources so they could actually put the soldiers on the ground. As you indicated, the soldiers who were provided through the African Union mission are inadequate.

Do you see any indication within your department that there will be an increased focus? You talked about the Somalia-Canadian diaspora, the important role they play. It was mentioned that there have been discussions with the foreign minister; I understand he lives in Ottawa.

What were the dollar amounts in 2007? Is there any commitment to guarantee that the African Union peacekeeping mission will succeed? Because it's failing at this time. How are we directly engaging this tremendous reservoir of knowledge we have about Somalia in our local Somalia-Canadian community?

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Who wants to begin? Mr. Angell?

[David Angell]

Thank you, Chairman.

With regard to AMISOM, Canada has not provided direct financial support to the AU mission, but Canada has provided considerable financial support to the African Union over the past number of years to assist its conflict resolution capacity.

If there were a transition from AMISOM to a UN force, Canada would automatically pay an assessed contribution of 3% for the AMISOM mission, in part because we've now contributed $286 million for the AU force in Sudan. Canada is the fourth-largest contributor, and that contribution has been very considerable. That has been the focus of our engagement with regard to support of the African Union. AMISOM is the second African Union force; we've been the fourth-largest contributor of its first operation.

With regard to engagement with the local communities, we are in contact with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. I spoke with him last week in Addis. I also spoke with the Prime Minister. In terms of discussion with the community in Canada, there's no structured process, but we are always open to discussion. We have a good dialogue with a number of a diaspora communities, and we are certainly open to continuing that with the Somalia-Canadian community. I know the Somalia-Canadian community does have a dialogue with the minister's office.

In terms of accountability, you know of Canada's very strong commitment to the International Criminal Court. We have very actively supported a number of tribunals in the region, including, for example, in Sierra Leone. I'm not aware that a decision has been taken with regard to the proposal by the Europeans, but certainly the gist of the proposal is consistent with areas where Canada has provided extensive engagement in the past.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you.

Madam Kostiuk, did you want to add a few comments? We're out of time, so it's on the humanitarian aid only.

[Nadia Kostiuk]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Very quickly, indeed we are not present on the ground. Somalia is not a country in which we've ever had any significant presence. I can tell you that in addition to the organizations I've already mentioned on the Canadian partnership programming, we have worked with a diaspora organization called the Somalia Canadian Education & Rural Development Organization. We provided some funding. The project is continuing on its own.

We do try to make sure there is a balance. But in a situation like Somalia, international organizations that are specialized in emergency relief are really.... That's why they're there. We work with them and through them as much as possible, maintaining the share that we normally have when appeals like this come up.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madame Kostiuk.

Now we'll go to Madame Barbot. You have seven minutes, please.

[Vivian Barbot, Bloc, Papineau, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Allow me to begin by expressing my views on the situation in Somalia. The situation in the Horn of Africa is one of denial, and it has been for a long time. We are told that Somalia is one of the poorest countries in the world. You described to us a situation so desperate that we can barely comprehend it. You tell us that no progress has been made. Canada is involved insofar as we donate money; however, to my mind, that is the easiest part, especially since it is a mere drop in the ocean when you consider Somalia's overwhelming needs.

Furthermore, no real effort is being made on the diplomatic front either. It is said that the Somalian diaspora plays an important role. However, we know that when Somalians come to Canada they often face unemployment and other problems. With all the good will in the world, they are not really in a position to bring about change in Somalia.

Do the Canadian government and CIDA have a vision? Do you have a specific objective in mind with regard to Somalia? Or, in countries subsumed by suffering, such as Somalia—or indeed Haiti, which we recently studied—is it simply a matter of acknowledging the problem and appeasing your conscience by providing enough food to give them something to eat every second day? This is a serious question, I am not trying to catch you out; I am just trying to understand. Canada purports to seek a role on the international stage and has signed conventions to eradicate poverty, and so forth. Why is it then that we do not have a more coherent strategy to address the worst of the problems, especially when we know that their situation could well constitute a ticking bomb for the entire continent?

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madame Barbot.

Madame Kostiuk.

[Nadia Kostiuk]

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you, Ms. Barbot. You describe situations which are both very complex and very real. It is difficult for organizations such as CIDA to respond to each and every crisis. If you look at our program as a whole, you will see that we are present in Haiti, which you mentioned, and that we're also very involved in Sudan. Furthermore, we will be back before your committee in a few weeks' time to speak to you about our program in Darfur and Sudan as a whole. We cannot be everywhere. As is evident from the 2007 budget, CIDA resources are spread thinly and we always strive to target them more efficiently. We try our best, but in doing so we cannot be everywhere. That is why we try to find other mechanisms and work with other organizations. We want to be able to provide assistance, but not necessarily by means of a major program. That is the best answer I can give you.

[Vivian Barbot, Bloc, Papineau, QC]

I appreciate that you cannot be everywhere, but if Canada had a clear position, and said, for example, that it would not intervene in such and such a country... But that is not what you are saying. You are saying that Canada is present when it is simply not the case. I have a problem with that. Simply opting not to assist a particular country is not, to my mind, a problem. At any rate, with the sort of assistance that we provide people are going to die anyway, be it today or tomorrow.

I would like to move on to another subject now. Mr. Angell informed us that the possibility of transforming the AMISOM mission to a UN peacekeeping mission has been discussed. However, the situation has deteriorated to such an extent that it is no longer an option. Could you tell us what would be an option?

[David Angell]

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

The African Union has indicated a strong preference for AMISOM to hand the mission over to a UN force. This strong preference was reiterated last week at the African Union Summit as it was in the African Union Commission's most recent report. However, the situation in Somalia is so troubled that for the first time, at least to the best of my knowledge, the UN Secretary General has said that it may not be possible to send in UN peacekeeping troops.

As an alternative, the Secretary General suggested a multilateral mission, a coalition of the willing. In spite of the Secretary General's specific concerns about deploying United Nations troops to Somalia, the United Nations is nonetheless analyzing the situation.

All countries wishing to help Somalia currently face the same, significant problem: access is very difficult. As we do not have proper access to the country, it is very difficult to carry out our own analysis, to implement programs or to have meaningful dialogue with the Somali government. Traditional access channels are closed to diplomats and development experts from the majority of countries involved in the International Somalia Contact Group.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you.

Madame Kostiuk.

[Nadia Kostiuk]

We have certain mechanisms that we can use in some cases. For example, our key partner countries can set up long-term programs supported by guaranteed funding. We use a host of instruments and partnership programs and, if necessary, we can also provide emergency humanitarian assistance. When the situation in a given country worsens, we rely on international humanitarian mechanisms, which are better organized. As my colleague was explaining, the current government is not truly operational. It is very difficult to work in such a dangerous environment without adequate tools.

The United Nations and other organizations have better access and are better placed to effectively invest aid dollars to improve the situation.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Madame Kostiuk.

We're going to go to the government side, but before we do, I would like one point of clarification. In your presentation, Madame Kostiuk, you mentioned that in 2007 Canada, through CIDA, gave $15 million to aid in the ongoing conflict and the flooding that was taking place. They also received another $15 million in 2007 from the UN Central Emergency Revolving Fund, to which Canada is the fifth-largest donor. You're saying that Canada is the fifth-largest donor to that UN fund. What is our dollar amount to that fund? Is that the $15 million?

[Nadia Kostiuk]

It's not the $15 million, Mr. Chair.

I would like to respond to that in writing, because I don't have that information with me, although I do have a technical.... May we please come back to you with that information? I know Mr. Wrzesnewskyj was asking for it, and I meant to say that we will respond.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you very much.

We'll go to the government side now.

[Deepak Obhrai, Conservative, Calgary East, AB]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I'll be sharing my time with my colleague.

I have a very short, quick question to David.

David, you just returned from the African Union conference in Addis Ababa, in Ethiopia. Can you give us a very quick analysis of the African Union meeting in reference to what was happening in Somalia? And then I will give the floor to my colleague.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you, Mr. Obhrai.

Mr. Angell.