Foreign Affairs Committee on April 1st, 2009

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Good afternoon, everyone. This is meeting number 13 of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, on Wednesday, April 1, 2009. We are continuing our committee hearings on the situation in Sri Lanka, and we will have time this afternoon for committee business.

I apologize to our guests today. Question period went a little long, and then we had votes after question period. So my intent is to go past 4:30, and closer to 5 o'clock if our guests can stay a little longer. We would appreciate that. We will then have time for committee business after that.

Today we have a number of witnesses. First of all, Mr. Noor Nizam is appearing as an individual. Also, from McMaster University, we have Alexandre Sévigny, an associate professor in the department of communication studies and multimedia. Welcome. From the Sri Lanka United National Association of Canada, we have executive committee members Mr. Muttukumaru Chandrakumaran and Hasaka Ratnamalala. From the Tamil Catholic Mission in Montreal, we have Reverend Father Andrew Thavarajasingam.

Our committee provides time for each witness to make a short opening statement and then we'll go into the first round of questions. We should have time for two rounds of questions today. On days like this, I try to give everyone the opportunity to ask questions.

On a point of order, Mr. Obhrai.

[Deepak Obhrai, Conservative, Calgary East, AB]

Are we going to reserve 30 minutes for committee time today?

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Yes. It doesn't have to necessarily be the full 30 minutes, but we do have to discuss the Washington trip. I'm not certain. I don't think there are any motions to be brought forward today, although there may be. My intent is to allow our guests today over the hour, and then committee business for as long as it may take, with the plan of closing down at 5:30 p.m. for certain.

Anyway, welcome here. We will ask Mr. Sévigny if he will begin. And again, welcome.

[Dr. Alexandre Sévigny, Associate Professor, Department of Communication Studies and Multimedia, McMaster University]

Thank you.

I'm a professor of communication studies and multimedia at McMaster University. I'd like to speak about communication today and communication as a tool for peace.

The vast majority of wars in today's world involve conflict within states. In the west, majority groups bemoan a loss of national identity, while minority nations press for devolution or for independence. Religious conflict once again looms large. At the heart of the resolution of these conflicts, quite often, is the need to develop effective critical awareness, as well as skills and training in communications and communication management.

Canada has had a founding and powerful voice in the world of communications, both as an academic discipline and as an industrial innovator. Consider the seminal musings of Harold Innis on the relationship between empire and communications and the bias of media. Consider also the works of Marshall McLuhan on the effects of electronic media on society, culture, and economics. Canadian corporate innovators such as Research In Motion have transformed our lives as global citizens through the BlackBerry device and analogous devices. In general, Canada's moderate and well-thought-out regulatory media and communications policies have kept our media and communications representatives thriving and innovative.

From the perspective of negotiating different points of view and multiple perspectives, Canada is also at the forefront. We have a very successful multicultural mosaic model, an open and free media, and a government that communicates its intentions and activities fairly transparently to its citizens.

Canada is uniquely positioned to deploy its expertise—academic, commercial, and not-for-profit—to help developing and war-torn countries, particularly those experiencing internal ethnic conflict. We can transfer the knowledge that we have about our Canadian model—getting along multiculturally and communicating effectively among ourselves and to the exterior.

So what do I think Canada can do for Sri Lanka? While media and a lack of communication can lead to violence, free and organized communication can be a solid step towards binding together a national identity and creating bridges between diverse communities within a nation. We propose that the Canadian government envision a pilot project whereby Canada would deploy Canadian communications expertise to accomplish three things.

One, we should link up institutions in Canada and Sri Lanka through academic faculty and student exchanges. We should encourage professional twinning—and it would be quite innovative—between professional communicators in Canada and Sri Lanka, while increasing collaboration between NGOs interested in communications as a tool for economic development and working toward peace.

Secondly, we could offer a Canadian communications course or set of modules that would highlight the tolerant Canadian model and the vigilant Canadian model for freedom of speech and communications through agreement with a leading educational institution in Sri Lanka, such as the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies, or a course or set of modules on communication management through a leading school of management or commerce.

Third, we might offer a set of modules on various aspects of communications that could be made available to public servants, parliamentarians, non-governmental organization workers, and public relations professionals in Sri Lanka.

Right now you are probably wondering, why do this? This project would provide academics, politicians, and communications professionals with the analytical tools to examine problems of national, ethnic, and religious conflict in a communications context from a Canadian perspective, which is a perspective of tolerance, respect, and negotiation. It would present national, ethnic, and religious conflicts in a broader context, drawing on research in comparative politics, history, sociology, cultural and genetic anthropology, political theory, and international relations vis-à-vis Sri Lanka, its communities, and its international relations. Communications is an interdisciplinary field. It should also provide insight into the post-1980 literature on nationalism and ethnic conflict by yielding a wealth of real-world case studies covering every corner of the globe.

This project would develop the capacity to analyze political debates in a critical manner, while improving teamwork and both written and oral communication skills. It would create knowledge repositories to locate and analyze, for both qualitative and quantitative analysis, data on nationalism from printed and electronic sources on Sri Lanka. There would be a sense of what's available, what has been said by whom, and to what effect.

It should raise awareness to provide citizens and members in the political ethnic playing field with a good foundation from which to create positive resolutions concerning nationalism and ethno-religious conflict and the ethnic conflicts in Sri Lanka, with a special focus on the aftermath of the war.

In conclusion, Canada has been very good at delivering products to developing countries--media products that are very effective and products that highlight distinctions among class divisions within countries and distinguish between groups that oppress and groups that are oppressed.

But Canada has not transferred expertise, because it is a difficult and challenging thing to do. Canadians are among the best communicators around. I think this is an incredible bridge possibility for Canadians to transfer that knowledge and expertise, rather than simply transferring products.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thanks very much, Mr. Sévigny.

We'll move on to Mr. Nizam.

[Noor Nizam, As an Individual]

Ladies and gentlemen, my name is Noor Nizam. I represent the Tamil-speaking minority community of Sri Lanka, the Muslims. I have to thank the team here and the honourable Paul Crête and David Sweet for giving me this opportunity.

To go straight to the question of international relations between Canada and Sri Lanka, there have been a lot of issues among the Canadian diaspora regarding the situation that is happening in Sri Lanka. There was a change after the militancy group of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam was proscribed through Bill C-36. In recent times, this has since resulted in a somewhat unique but appreciated diplomatic relationship between Canada and Sri Lanka.

One of the main things I would like to emphasize here is that in the aftermath of the situation in Sri Lanka, as the whole world is watching, what are we as Canadians going to do to fill the vacuum that will be created, especially among the diaspora?

What interest will Canadians have in helping the Sri Lankan Muslim minority community, which is 1.7 million of the population, with 40% of the population living in the northeast? It was completely sidelined by the CFA and the peace process. The Muslims played a very important role in bringing forth the peace process in Sri Lanka nearly 18 years ago.

It's not the only concern of the Muslims. A concern of the Muslims has been the Tamils and the children. Child soldiers are a big issue. You'll note that 10 to 12 of the Security Council resolutions have never been effected by UNICEF, the United Nations Children's Fund. If Canada is not alive to that, how are we going to help the 7,200 children who need assistance and who will come out of this war? Maybe some of them will die. What are we going to do? What is Canada's responsibility?

I'm also in the field of communication studies. I'm an educator at McMaster, but I'm making a personal representation. On this aspect, my colleagues and I are asking for the possibility of having a round table with the same method as applied to the Afghanistan round table, so that we can discuss the issue of child soldiers and bring back the child campaign that Sri Lanka had launched with the support of UNICEF.

Apart from that, we also have a very important issue on humanitarian aid and development assistance. You will see that I've brought a box to show you. This box is from Health Partners International.

Canada gave $3 million to organizations. None of this money has reached the IDPs in Vavuniya. I spoke to CARE Canada yesterday. They reluctantly accepted and said they were sorry, but nothing was being done in Sri Lanka. They had given the money to Care International. The money was given by Canada on February 26, but not a single dollar has gone there.

The Sri Lankans, Muslims, Tamils, Sinhalese, and Burghers collected money. We all put money into a till. We collected money. We got $30,000 worth of medicines from HPI, Health Partners International, as a donation. We paid for the logistics.

One of our volunteers will be flying soon. Air Canada gave us a free ticket. I have to thank the honourable David Sweet for helping us. SriLankan Airlines is carrying it for free.

This is the humanitarian aid that Canada has to give. You don't give $3 million and forget it and then tell the world to look at what Canada did. What did they do?

I am a Canadian. As a Canadian, I'm asking Canada this. Why can't you give us more money to send there? Should we collect money to send humanitarian assistance to our kith and kin, our extended families, our own communities, the Tamil-speaking community, and the Tamil-speaking Muslim community? There's no difference among us. We are one people. We are one nation. I'm a Canadian.

Gentlemen of the committee, my appeal to you is this. Tell CIDA to stand on their own feet and not to play the old games or help the old club members. Look at projects like this. Do not use criteria that knock us out because we don't have three years of experience, we don't have audited reports. In emergency and disaster relief, you don't require all that. You stand on your feet and make decisions.

We are appealing to the Canadians. It is your money. Canada is known for giving. But your own MP here, Mr. Dan McTeague, has said how $200 million given to the tsunami fund has still not been used. Red Cross, for example, and this is dated very recently: $200 million for the tsunami still not accounted for. I have evidence here. If my statement is wrong, you can prosecute me.

There was $3 million given to organizations, with $500,000 given to CARE Canada. Not a single cent has gone, sir--not a single cent. There are 700 pregnant women suffering there without medicine. Children are suffering.

The Sri Lankan government may be doing what it can, but that's not our territory. We can't get into government territory. We can get into civil society territory. That is the territory where we can fight and work. We want you to consider these things positively.

And please, understand that the Muslim community also has suffered. We have suffered genocide. We were killed--174 people in a mosque in Kattankudi. In 1990 we were chased away--80,000 people.

I'm not blaming anyone here. I am blaming the conflict. I'm blaming the international community. International NGOs have been completely unfair in representing the facts.

I have evidence here to show that the international press and the media.... And I'm a media scientist. I write journalistic and investigative articles about terrorism. My articles are respected by the U.S., the British, and the French. But what I'm saying is that they don't follow the ethics and codes of journalism; they just write spontaneous articles, which has in fact created the problem between Canada and Sri Lanka.

What we're asking is that you give the opportunity for young people.... We have to do it. Sir, don't allow the next generation of Tamil young people here in Canada--Tamil-speaking Tamils and Muslims--to become a community filled with hatred. If you allow the gap to remain, this next generation will grow with hatred. That will create a much bigger conflict between the two countries. Let us help our kids here to understand, to accept the situation in the Sri Lanka, to help the kids there and work forward.

Thank you very much.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you very much, Mr. Nizam.

We'll move next to Mr. Hasaka Ratnamalala.

[Hasaka Ratnamalala, Executive Committee Member, Sri Lanka United National Association of Canada]

Honourable chairman of the committee, members of Parliament, ladies and gentlemen, I thank you all for giving us this opportunity to share our views on what's happening in Sri Lanka.

My name is Hasaka Ratnamalala. I'm a Sri Lankan Canadian. I practised as an attorney at law and was a journalist in Sri Lanka. During my time as a journalist, I had the privilege of travelling to every corner of the island of Sri Lanka. In fact, I was the first Sinhala journalist who managed to visit LTTE-controlled Jaffna in 1993.

During my first visit, I was able to interview LTTE leaders such as Anton Balasingham, Thamil Chelvam, and Aiyathurai Nadesan and was able to receive first-hand knowledge of the LTTE. My articles were published in a Sinhala language alternative newspaper called Ravaya.

I also belonged to a group of people, those who thought there was a possibility of peace in Sri Lanka if the Sri Lankan government would talk to the LTTE. I later understood from experience that it is not possible, because the LTTE would never compromise in their stand on the final solution to the conflict, which is, according to them, to have a separate state.

That is the only reason this conflict has lagged on so long. That is probably what the LTTE wants. In that case, peace talks or ceasefire became meaningless practices in the Sri Lankan context. In the Sri Lankan experience, a “ceasefire” with LTTE has had so many other meanings such as death, destruction, western conspiracy, western hypocrisy, new imperialism, rearming, regrouping and re-attacking--in other words, simply bombs, bombs, and more bombs.

Today, for the first time in the world, Sri Lankan security forces have shown the world that terrorism can be defeated by force. They have cornered the LTTE, the world's most ruthless terrorist organization, on a small piece of land close to 20 square kilometres. But the danger is that LTTE is holding several thousand civilians as a human shield. But very soon, the armed conflict will be over, and therefore what we have to concentrate on here is the situation after the conflict. The Sri Lankan government is already starting to look into a permanent political solution to the conflict.

As a first step, the Sri Lankan government has started to fully implement the 13th amendment to the constitution, and further devolvement to the provincial level is on the way through the APRC, or all-party round table conference. There is a huge debate on that matter going on in Sri Lanka. This is a positive sign. Unfortunately, those elements who support the LTTE agenda in the diaspora do not want that debate to take place in this diaspora.

In Sri Lanka all barriers that keep Tamils from thinking as Sri Lankans are coming down. The century-old British relic of showing ethnicity on a birth certificate has been removed. Tamil people did not get their chance to integrate into mainstream Sri Lankan society, mostly because Tamil political leaders kept Tamil society in that way for their petty political gains. With the end of LTTE, that barrier also ends. Tamil leaders who can work as Sri Lankans are coming forward today. I think we have to respect that.

Today, over 60% of the Tamil population is living in areas other than the north and east with the Sinhalese majority. That is the reality today.

Thank you very much.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you very much.

We'll move to Mr. Chandrakumaran.

[Muttukumaru Chandrakumaran, Sri Lanka United National Association of Canada]

Thank you very much.

My name is Muttukumaru Chandrakumaran. Unfortunately, I was introduced with the wrong association. I am the international director for the Rotary Club of Pickering. We do international projects.

I thank the members for the opportunity to review my thoughts on the situation in Sri Lanka and what Canada can do to implement permanent peace.

I am a democratic Tamil. I was born in Jaffna. I moved to Kandy, the capital for Sinhalese people. My family and my parents lived in harmony in Kandy. Then I moved to Colombo, where I grew up. I moved within all ethnic groups, and we had friendships. This harmony was disrupted by the power-greedy politicians. They were looking for power more than anything. This is the main reason this conflict is here.

I left Sri Lanka in 1978 after the communal trouble in 1977, in which I almost got killed. After so much suffering, Sri Lankans got their first peace in 1985, but the peace deal was signed only in 2002.

In that year, my family got their first chance to visit Sri Lanka after 22 years. When I had a chance to move around freely in Colombo and the southern part, I thought my teenage years had come back, because we were free to move. There was no fear among the Sinhalese or Tamils. We were free to move.

But there was a problem, because when we went to the LTTE area, they had been trained and had undergone certain group...[Inaudible--Editor]. When I went into Thandikulam, which is the LTTE area, questions were asked. Why had I come? Who asked you to come? Where are you going to stay? These were the types of questions. Those kids didn't have proper education facilities, they didn't have any communication outside. This has to be broken down.

If Canada wants to get involved in the peace process and achieve a peaceful solution, they should clean up their backyard first. I'm telling you this because, as Sri Lankan Tamil Canadians here, we are in a worse situation than in an LTTE-controlled area, but police can't do anything because there is no power. People can't even move or have anything.

When we called Honourable Bob Rae to have a first peace meeting in 2007, he was willing. The meeting was organized by three communities, Sinhalese, Tamil, and Muslims--the first ever. We wanted to find solutions. He was called by this group. They said, don't go. They sent e-mails, and they even tried to stop the meeting. They came. They sent some people to disturb the meeting, but luckily for us, we had some security arranged earlier.

Even the Sri Lankan Tamils want to live in harmony, but this group has to be stopped. The Tamil children and youth in Vanni, Sri Lanka, have had their rights, family values, opportunities, education, and communication with the outside world taken out.

I have shown some pictures to you. Look at those children.

I did a program after the tsunami to educate the students in Vanni and Ampara, over 3,500 students. I asked our Canadian agency for some sort of help, and they said no. I had to use our own money, $30,000, which we collected ourselves, and we did this. We are not getting any help from Canadian authorities to do anything at all. I don't know how we can approach this, how we can do anything.

The biggest problem we are facing in Canada is our younger generation. There has been a hatred created between the Tamil and Sinhalese youth because of this issue. If they're not going to stop these things, we are going to have a big problem here.

I have given a CD with some of the information. At least have a look at those CDs. Youths and kids are dressed in army uniforms and acting like freedom fighters or like...I can't say what name. What do you expect from them? That is going into their minds.

Even the RCMP is not able to stop these things. Nobody is, because the law in Canada says that it's freedom of speech. Where is that freedom of speech going to go? We are going to have more terrorism here than back home. The group here doesn't even want peace in Sri Lanka, because they can have a life of luxury when they're living here in Canada. Some of those people don't even work. They have four houses and luxury cars and are running around. What do they do?

One elderly lady who is 65 came to me and said, “Look, I go out in the early morning. At seven o'clock I get up, I take some food from my fridge, and I go to work. But these people sleep until ten o'clock, get dressed, put on a full suit, and say to give them money, otherwise I can't go home.” These people are given money, and nobody can stop this, but where the money is going nobody knows.

Why can't Canada set up an account and tell all the Tamil people that Canada has set up an account here, we'll give them a tax credit, and we'll match the money? We can do a lot of work in that area and can change the situation in Sri Lanka.

I've given you a couple of CDs, and when you play them you can see how they are.... Even if you are going to run an election in Canada, we have to get permission from that group. I don't know what we have here in Canada. A lot of people don't know, but everything is on the CD. Definitely, we have to get permission.

This group is creating more hatred among the Tamils than anything. There are more Sikh MPs than the population...Inaudible--Editor]. As Canadians, we don't look at it as Sikh, Muslim, French, or anything. We work as Canadians.

If we are going to allow this group to do this, the RCMP can't do anything here. Nobody can, because the laws are tight and you can't do anything. In fact, nobody gets advice from the RCMP before they even allow a guy to come into Canada. This is the biggest problem we have here. Anybody can walk in. But what are the politicians doing? Nothing.

I am telling you that today when I go out of here after telling these things, my family and my life will be in trouble. That's the life that most of us Tamils are living in Canada, especially in Toronto. Everything is happening, but what actions are taken here? There's nothing. How can we clean up other people's backyards unless we clean up our own backyard?

When you look at these CDs, you can see what is happening. Even the media and the TV can't video and broadcast these things unless they get permission from this group. I am telling you everything on the CD. The newscaster is telling what is happening. How can a human being like me can stop it?

I have a couple of examples. They even came to my house three times and asked for money. They asked me for $2,000. They said, “Give us your number, your PIN.” I said that I didn't have that kind of money. They said I should move from my small house, that I should sell my house and give them the money. The guy who came to collect money from my house has upgraded his house and he has bought a van, without cash. Where's the money? What action we can take?

Also, for public meetings, what they do is that they don't announce any event until the previous evening. Only at six o'clock will they say that this event is taking place and at what place. What can the RCMP or anybody do? Nobody can do anything, with the law as it is. What's the point of having security forces there to look after the people when they can't act? Unless laws are changed in Canada to help, we are going to be in big trouble.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you very much, Mr. Chandrakumaran.

We'll move to our last guest, Mr. Andrew Thavarajasingam.

[Father Andrew Thavarajasingam, Reverend Father, Tamil Catholic Mission in Montreal]

I'm Andrew, a Catholic chaplain from Montreal. I would like to represent the Tamil Catholic community here in Montreal as well as the Catholic community of Sri Lanka.

When we look at the history of Sri Lanka and how the Catholics have emerged, we have to look at the background of the Portuguese and pre-Portuguese period. Before the Portuguese came, there were the Tamil kingdom and the Sinhalese kingdom. Though the Portuguese introduced Catholicism into Sri Lanka, they did not divide the rule. The Dutch period from 1656 up to the 18th century lasted for a long time. Only when the British came was it united, and they tried to rule Sri Lanka under one rule of British governance. In 1833 an administrative manager was appointed, and they tried ruling in that way up to 1948, when they gave independence to Sri Lanka.

As a Tamil from the affected area of Jaffna, my hometown of Vasavilan was badly affected due to these civil war conditions in Sri Lanka. My village was occupied by the Sri Lankan forces, and we were asked to evacuate our hometown. We moved to Jaffna, and even from there we could not hold on. The Tamils are facing repeated displacements due to the civil war conditions.

For a long historical period the Tamils have tried to tolerate the Sinhalese community. They have tried to live together peacefully, but due to political conditions, the political leaders always introduced a system to attract the votes of the majority Sinhalese when they wanted to come to power, and there were always communal riots due to this political environment.

When we look at the present situation in Sri Lanka, civilians are being killed every day, and because of the killing of civilians, even the people who have come out of Sri Lanka are being affected. My own parish members have reported to me about their relatives being killed. Even last week one family member who wanted to send some money to help his family members in Sri Lanka, who are in the affected area, could not do so because there is no immediate access to the people who are really affected.

Therefore, the problem of the Tamils has to be seen against the background of the long-evolving historical period of Sri Lanka. It has to be understood that the Tamils have to have the right to live in their own land. Their human values have to be respected. The Tamils living in the affected area are finding it difficult to come out of the area, because they feel insecure when they come out of the war-torn area. Therefore, Canadian Tamils living in this country urge this government to call for a pause in this civil war condition, an end to the war, and a taking up of peace negotiations so that the rights of the Tamils may be respected.

As an immediate measure, we propose that the war be stopped. There should be some way for the expatriates to take care of the needs of the affected people. Because of the economic blockade to the affected areas, the people do not even have enough food and medicine at present. Those needs must be met through the international NGOs, and the Tamils living in Canada are expecting the Canadian government to make an arrangement for the Tamils to help their affected kith and kin back in Sri Lanka.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you very much for your testimony. We will move into the first round and go to Monsieur Patry.

[Bernard Patry, Liberal, Pierrefonds—Dollard, QC]

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you very much, all five of you, for being here. I'll go very quickly, because times passes quite quickly.

First of all, Mr. Nizam just mentioned Health Partners. I know them very well and I have carried medication myself on some trips to Africa. They're a great association. I just wanted you to know about this; we know them very well.

I have a question for Mr. Nizam.

You proposed a round table to bring peace. First of all, on what grounds do you want peace over there? It seems that in a short time the LTTE will be out of their country, in a certain sense. There was a peace process with the northern European countries under the umbrella of Norway--a very successful peace process, in a sense. But it's always starting over. In my understanding, the conflict goes back as far the Brits and the Tamil government, and right now that would be the new government for the independence.... I mean, the Sinhalese are 80% of the population. There are the ethnic community problems and also religious problems.

We need to talk about the religious problems. What are the grounds? Who should be the leader to try to bring peace over there? This question is for all of you.

I have a question also pour le révérend père from Montreal. I just want to understand—and the Muslims also could answer this question--do the Catholics have the same problem as the Tamil Sikhs and Hindus and others face? Do you have any people among these 200,000 people who are kept hostage in the northeast by the LTTE? Do you have any family there? How does it work?

We'll start with Mr. Nizam.

[Noor Nizam]

Thank you.

I know the peace process because I was one of those who initiated the peace process. You have my bio there.

The failure of the peace process was not the failure of the will of the Tamil people and the Sinhalese people and the Muslims. The failure of the peace process was because the people who engaged in the peace process were unfair to the Muslims. We were sidelined. We are 1.7 million people. The Tamils are 13%, and the Sinhalese are 72%. How can you bring peace without all three communities sitting at a table and talking to each other, which we did 50 years ago? We speak the Tamil language. We have the culture. The only thing different between the Tamils and us is our faith. The Sinhalese are Sri Lankans. They are of the same country. Their children and our children were together, but after 1956 and 1972, something happened.

I am saying here that if there is a political resolution, and if the international community is putting pressure on the Government of Sri Lanka, and the Government of Sri Lanka is willing to look into it in the aftermath of the LTTE, as you set out, then I think Canada should play an important role. Don't go by the process criteria and take two years, six months, or eight months to think about how to do it. Get down to it and say, okay, we can bring....

Let me say, sir, that the IPKF came into Sri Lanka outside the covenant of international law. Why can't Canada propose a covenant that is necessary for the Tamils, the Muslims, the Sri Lankans, and the Sinhalese together? Canada can take a role. Here we have communications experts to bring them to sit and talk peace. Because peace is not for us; it is for the next generation.

Thank you.

[Bernard Patry, Liberal, Pierrefonds—Dollard, QC]

Are there any other answers?

Do you have any comments?

[Father Andrew Thavarajasingam]

Even the Catholics are being affected, because most of the Catholics live in the coastal area of Sri Lanka. They have problems from naval attacks. When I was in Jaffna, the St. James Church was attacked when the people went there for safety. At Navaly, in Jaffna, St. Nicholas' Church was attacked. St. Peter's Church was attacked. Also, I was appointed parish priest of Mullaitivu, and when I went there, that was destroyed. When I went to live there, I had to face a narrow escape from the aerial bombing of that area.

So what I say is that to a certain extent the war has attacked the Catholic Church also. We see that even in the famous Shrine of Madhu, where the people took shelter. It was declared a peace zone, and it was shelled, but we never knew who shelled it. Each of them was blamed.

What I am concerned about are the civilian people there dying and the civilians here who are being morally affected by the situation. Therefore, the war should be stopped, and unnecessary deaths should be stopped, by the international community.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you.

We'll go to Mr. Ratnamalala.

[Hasaka Ratnamalala]

The question was raised about the Catholics being hurt in the other parts of Sri Lanka. That is not true. There are Sinhalese who are also Catholic. A large majority of Sinhalese are Catholic, and a large majority of Tamils are also Catholic, and they are living very peacefully in the southern part of Sri Lanka. Because there's a war, there is trouble. It does not mean that Catholics are targeted. That's not true.

[Bernard Patry, Liberal, Pierrefonds—Dollard, QC]

I didn't say that. I just want to understand.

[Muttukumaru Chandrakumaran]

I should say that from 1983 up until 2002 there was war. When the 2002 peace accord was signed, the country was completely in harmony. How did harmony come? Did anybody tell them? No. Really, both kinds of people want to live in peace. But nobody wants peace; the money is playing the game there. Even in the last presidential election, not a single person from the northern part was allowed to vote.

Even in Canada they don't want peace. That's why I mentioned it to you. If peace comes, some people are going to lose their luxury life here. Easy money, tax-free money--that money is gone unless they just stop. Peace in Sri Lanka cannot be achieved. People in Sri Lanka won't believe in peace. I have seen it. After 22 years, I visited in 2002. I went around Sri Lanka. I was even travelling at midnight. Nobody asked me if I was a Tamil or a Sinhalese. Even when we went to the roadside boutique to buy things, they were treating us like their own family and they were giving us directions about where to go.

So peace can be achieved, but nobody wants peace because people are losing money.

[The Chair, Conservative, Kevin Sorenson]

Thank you very much.

We're going to go to Monsieur Dorion.

Monsieur Dorion, vous avez sept minutes.

[Jean Dorion, Bloc, Longueuil—Pierre-Boucher, QC]

Mr. Ratnamalala, you mentioned that a large majority of Sinhalese are Catholics. I believe there's a misunderstanding because that's not the case. There is no Catholic majority among the Tamils or among the Sinhalese.

[Hasaka Ratnamalala]

I think there might be a translation problem. What I said was that a large amount of Sinhalese are Catholics and a large amount of Tamils are Catholics.

[Jean Dorion, Bloc, Longueuil—Pierre-Boucher, QC]

Thank you. I listened to you in English; it wasn't a translation mistake on my part.

Mr. Sévigny, last week, Mr. Robert Dietz explained to us that the Sri Lankan government does not tolerate the free movement of information on controversial issues and that journalists are regularly assassinated in Sri Lanka. How can you expect a project such as yours, which is to bring communicators into Sri Lanka, to have any chance of success in such circumstances?