Evidence of meeting #115 for Foreign Affairs and International Development in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was sudan.
A recording is available from Parliament.
Humanitarian Manager, Oxfam Canada
—I would include Save the Children, which has a presence here in Canada, in Toronto. We also have the Red Cross, which is a really pre-eminent organization, as well as Care Canada.
There are the Norwegian Refugee Council, the Danish Refugee Council and the International Rescue Committee. There are some French organizations, like Action Against Hunger, which also has a presence here.
Conservative
Marilyn Gladu Conservative Sarnia—Lambton, ON
They're all well established and they're able to work, even with the security concerns that are happening.
Conservative
Marilyn Gladu Conservative Sarnia—Lambton, ON
Okay.
I wanted to talk a little bit about the Ebola epidemic. I actually heard about this when I was at the World Health Organization. I hadn't heard it previously. What I heard was really scary because, when the outbreak happened, it spread to a nearby city and there were no plans put in place to keep people from travelling away from that city to elsewhere in the world.
Is there a good pandemic response in any of these countries, do you think, for situations like Ebola?
Humanitarian Manager, Oxfam Canada
I think it's compromised by the insecurity. As I mentioned, this is the first time that Ebola has hit a conflict-affected area. I believe there have been 10 outbreaks in Congo since the identification of the disease in 1976. This is the first time in an active conflict zone.
There was an Ebola outbreak earlier this year in the far west, in Equateur province, and then, I think within a week or two of it being declared over, we saw one emerge in this conflict zone.
Beni is the territory in North Kivu province affected by Ebola currently and beset by a number of armed groups, notably the ADF, which is a Ugandan group that has been there since the 1990s and which became very active in 2014. It has stepped up its violent operations since the Ebola outbreak. It was hoped that they would not be getting in the way of any kind of Ebola response, but the opposite has happened. They seem to be more and more active since the declaration of the epidemic.
It's very difficult to stop people from moving. A lot of people in the area rely on trade, notably with Uganda, for their livelihoods, so you have regular commerce people moving with goods every day. As much as you can regulate some of these movements, there are always ways around them. I remember working earlier this year in the northeast of the Congo bordering Uganda, and there was the official border crossing and 10 unofficial border crossings, essentially just paths through the forest.
Conservative
Conservative
Marilyn Gladu Conservative Sarnia—Lambton, ON
Let me move to another question.
In terms of health care, the other thing I heard was that there is essentially no health care, Ms. Juac, but I also heard that, in conflict areas, doctors are being killed. This was a huge concern that I'd never heard of at the World Health Organization.
Can you give me a sense of whether that is happening in the Congo? Is it happening in Somalia and South Sudan?
Humanitarian Manager, Oxfam Canada
Absolutely, in the Congo we're seeing that. We're seeing health workers being attacked. I think it's both by armed groups as well as by concerned citizens.
There's a lot of miscommunication and misunderstanding about the conflict, so one of the key efforts that Oxfam is making in the Ebola response currently is that community relations and community sensitization work, to explain to people what Ebola is and how you can get it. It's not just about reducing handshaking, increasing handwashing and so on, it also has to do with having confidence in the health care workers. Right now there's this misconception that the health care workers and the hospitals are the ones spreading the disease, so you'll have people preferring more traditional types of health care, which is only aggravating the situation.
Executive Director, ARUDA South Sudan
It's the same thing in South Sudan.
Some of the doctors are kidnapped and taken to treat the wounded soldiers where there is conflict. Some of them do die as a result of protecting women or children. The problem is that whenever they know there is a doctor, they have to make use of him, even for things that are outside his mandate.
This is a serious concern. We lost a sister—she was a doctor—in one of the conflict areas. There is a need for proper security for doctors and humanitarian actors. There should be a policy that can protect them.
Conservative
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Michael Levitt
You're done.
Thank you very much.
We have time for a very short question from MP Vandenbeld, please.
Liberal
Anita Vandenbeld Liberal Ottawa West—Nepean, ON
Thank you very much.
Ms. Juac, this is specifically about women.
I know we talk about women as the primary victims, the ones who are most impacted, but can you tell me a little about women as solutions? Are women in decision-making roles part of peace processes? Are they elected to office as part of the governance structures, involved in policing...all those kinds of roles that women can play?
I know you were here recently as part of the sister-to-sister program where we met. It teaches advocacy for women. I've also seen programs where women are able to convert their stories at the local level into international language, understanding that this is UN resolution 1325, or being able to translate those stories into language that's understood in the international community.
Can you tell me a little about how Canada can support women to be solutions and not just victims?
Executive Director, ARUDA South Sudan
In the peace agreement, women are given 35% participation because of affirmative action. Unfortunately, so far both the government and the parties have not implemented it according to the agreement.
Regarding the army and the other security forces, in the army we have 6% for women at the top level, for the police it is 10%, and for national security it is 15%. In the civil service, 45% of people working in the ministries are women, and for MPs it is 60%. The new changes will actually remove 40% of them, according to the new signed peace agreement.
Regarding women's participation, there is a need for more advocacy. Last year, the Canadian government made a huge event for the women and organizing forces, including women from rural areas, and that raised their understanding of their rights and how they can move on.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Michael Levitt
I'd like to thank both of our guests.
Ms. Juac, I know you came a long way so we're really pleased you could be with us here today. This was important testimony to have from both of you.
Colleagues, we're now going to break for two minutes to get the new panellists in, and we will reconvene. I will now suspend.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Michael Levitt
Welcome back, everyone.
We're now going to hear from our second two witnesses. We have Georgette Gagnon from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Susan Stigant from the United States Institute of Peace.
Ladies, I would ask you to each do about eight to 10 minutes of testimony, and then I know there are going to be lots of questions from colleagues.
Ms. Gagnon, would you like to begin?
Georgette Gagnon Director, Field Operations and Technical Cooperation Division, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Sure.
Director, Field Operations and Technical Cooperation Division, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Good afternoon.
On behalf of the UN human rights office, thank you for the opportunity to speak on how Canada can better address conflict, gender-based violence, justice and respect for human rights in Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan.
The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights is heavily engaged in these three countries. In DRC, the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office, with 150 staff in 19 locations, is the main component of the United Nations peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO. In South Sudan, the human rights division of 91 staff in 10 field offices also operates as a component of UNMISS. In Somalia, the human rights and protection group of 33 staff in six locations is part of the UN assistance mission in Somalia.
Our human rights teams, which I have the great pleasure of overseeing globally, are mandated by the Security Council to monitor, investigate, report, mediate and advocate on key human rights issues, and to provide technical support to government, civil society and other stakeholders to end and prevent violations and to change policies and practices, in line with the high commissioner's global mandate to impartially and independently promote and protect human rights for all people, everywhere.
The DRC, Somalia and South Sudan, as you know, remain among the world's most violent and entrenched conflicts. Their civilian populations have borne the brunt of this violence, devastating communities, livelihoods and people.
In our report on recent human rights violations in Unity state, which our colleague just spoke about, my colleagues interviewed a 14-year-old girl from Leer County. She said to us:
All the violence I have witnessed...I can never forget. How can I forget the sight of an old man whose throat was slit with a knife before being set on fire? How can I forget the smell of those decomposed bodies of old men and children pecked and eaten by birds? Those women that were hanged and died up in the tree?
It is our job, our obligation—I submit the obligation of all of us—to not forget, and to use our best efforts to protect and prevent. Protection of civilians in DRC, Somalia and South Sudan is the UN's main goal. We focus on early warning and risk analysis aimed at protecting the civilian population by monitoring, advocating and mobilizing those with power to act to prevent civilian harm.
Human rights intelligence about perpetrators, be they government, pro-government forces, armed groups, or anti-government elements, their methods and conduct—past conduct also—informs the UN's protection of civilian strategy, strengthening physical protection by peacekeepers and the UN's political leverage to prevent mass atrocities.
In DRC, in the first 10 months of 2018, we documented some 5,703 human rights violations, a 14% increase compared to the same period last year—an indicator of deteriorating security in the run-up to the December elections.
In Somalia, our team documented 1,010 civilian casualties. These are deaths and injuries in September 2018, alone, with 55% attributed to al Shabaab and 22% to state actors. This shows the relentless impact of conflict on civilians and that more targeted prevention is needed.
We urge Canada to increase support for improving civilian protection efforts to strengthen early warning leading to early action, and for accountability among you and mission leadership, and other actors, for the protection of civilians.
In Somalia, efforts to restore state authority are encouraging. We ask Canada to prioritize human rights obligations in the counterterrorism activities it supports through its capacity building with police and security. Without human rights due diligence, these operations risk increasing violence and extremism, and they undermine efforts to strengthen rule of law institutions.
This is a recent example from one of our reports. In July of last year, four male civilians accused of being affiliated with al Shabaab were executed. One of the victims was a Somali who had returned from Ethiopia and had been detained for seven months without charge. Two others had been arrested a few months before their execution. The fourth was arrested the day before his execution. No links between the victims and al Shabaab were confirmed, and the minister for the area said that, in principle, their execution should have followed a determination of guilt by an established court of law. What happened is that the families of the victims received diya and the officers were released who put these men to death.
Impunity remains a major concern in Somalia. Extra-judicial executions, abductions, tortures and sexual violence are largely uninvestigated. This impunity affects women and girls disproportionately, requiring extra efforts. In addition to a weak legal framework, customary law contributes to impunity for sexual violence, as traditional leaders mediate between families of sexual violence survivors, a process in which compensation to the family trumps justice to the victim.
As one girl told us, “Four men who gang-raped me were released by the police. This, after my family and the families of the perpetrators agreed to pay compensation. I was not consulted, neither was I given any of the money, and the men were free to rape again. I'm very unhappy with the way this case has been handled and I'm angry with both my family and the police, who are supposed to protect people like me from such incidents.”
Our team supported the Somalian ministry of women and human rights in civil society to draft a sexual offences bill, which cabinet adopted recently but religious leaders continue to oppose. We also support specialized units to address violence against women and children and conflict-related sexual violence. Training is provided to the Somali national army. We suggest that Canada increase support, including to Somali civil society, to address gender-based violence and boost women's and girls' rights.
In DRC, with Canada's support, we are assisting women and girls to gain better access to medical and psychosocial assistance for endemic conflict-related sexual violence. We also provide support to Congolese authorities on protection plans for such victims before, during and after trials of those responsible for conflict-related sexual violence are held. People worry about reprisals, of course.
An encouraging sign is that between August and October of this year, 43 soldiers and 13 police were convicted for human rights crimes, including gender-based and sexual violence.
South Sudan, unfortunately, has had few prosecutions of human rights violations, and in August, President Kiir granted a general amnesty to rebel commanders without due consideration for their possible involvement in international crimes, sending a message that perpetrators will be shielded from prosecution and impunity rules. No progress has been made on establishment of the hybrid court.
Canada could increase support and advocacy on the imperative of accountability for serious human rights violations and war crimes, including sexual violence in South Sudan, Somalia and the DRC.
Another core element of human rights protection and support to national human rights actors is the protection of civic and democratic space. In Somalia, we're promoting women's participation in public life and with the national human rights commission. Canada's support is needed to build and strengthen these civilian institutions.
We're also documenting increasing violations and attacks against free speech.
In South Sudan, intimidation, surveillance, threats and harassment of national human rights activists and journalists has stopped them from exposing the realities of war and corruption and denouncing those who should be held to account. We're interested in partnering more on these issues. In August, Journalists for Human Rights held a forum in Juba aimed at promoting press freedom with support from Global Affairs Canada.
We encourage Canada to support work that protects civic space. In the DRC, with presidential elections imminent, ensuring the electoral process does not restrict civic and democratic space is an urgent concern.
In September, we reported on the government's violent suppression of peaceful protests by civil society and opposition political parties, and urged authorities to respect rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. We and our national human rights colleagues need Canada's support in calling on Congolese authorities to end harassment and intimidation of civil society activists, including incommunicado detention.
The confidence-building measures of the December 31, 2016, agreement on opening political space and respect of fundamental rights and freedoms have yet to be implemented and the election is a few weeks away.
My final point, in answer to how Canada can better address conflict, gender-based violence, justice and human rights in the DRC, Somalia and Sudan, is to say to be a stronger advocate for durable peace and conflict prevention through justice and accountability and improved protection of civilians, and to step up political and financial support to protect civic and democratic space and the participation of women in all forms of public life.
Thank you.