Thank you, Mr. Chair.
For those who may be watching on ParlVU, to go over exactly what it is we're debating here, as I understand it, it's a subamendment to Ms. Fry's original motion. It deals with whether or not, at the end of Ms. Fry's motion, we should add a portion that says the committee needs to finish or complete its work on the Ukraine, vaccine equity and Taiwan studies which are already under way before proceeding with Ms. Fry's motion.
When I was speaking for only a few minutes last time, I told members a bit about my personal history. It was just a small piece. It wasn't the full resumé. I was accused of giving my full resumé. I can do that a little later, if you'd like.
I think it's important to step back and understand that the sanctions that we heard a lot of discussion on today in the meeting with officials from Ukraine and the sanctions the government has implemented all come from the Special Economic Measures Act. That act hasn't existed since forever in Canada. It actually was created after the coup in Haiti. I was part of the creation of this act, as I was the senior policy adviser—as I said in the last meeting—to the foreign affairs minister of the day, Barbara McDougall.
The context of 1991-92 is important in understanding the purpose of the act and how governments can and cannot use it. Prior to that time, Canada imposed sanctions a number of times, but it didn't have a standing act of Parliament to do it under. As an example, in the early 1980s, when the government of Prime Minister Trudeau had to impose sanctions on Iran, with the Iran hostage crisis, it had to bring a special act to Parliament and have it pass through the House and the Senate to get authorization to do that. It was the same in 1985-86 when Prime Minister Mulroney decided to try to lead many other nations in imposing economic sanctions on the apartheid regime in South Africa. That required a special act.
Prior to 1991, Canada was not even a member of the Organization of American States. The Organization of American States, which dealt with the issue of Haiti, and the sanctions bill came out of it, because primarily there were a lot of, let's say, despots and dictators. It was not exactly a democratic hemisphere for many years. In 1991, we were in the unusual situation where 34 of the 35 western hemisphere countries were democracies for the first time in the western hemisphere, and for the first time, Canada joined the Organization of American States.
I was with my minister then. It was one of the first international meetings she went to as foreign minister. It was in June 1991, in Santiago, Chile. That was Canada's first meeting with the OAS. They passed something that's become known as the Santiago declaration on June 5, 1991. That declaration said that we were:
To instruct the Secretary General to call for the immediate convocation of a meeting of the Permanent Council in the event of any occurrences giving rise to the sudden or irregular interruption of the democratic political institutional process or of the legitimate exercise of power by the democratically elected government in any of the Organization’s member states, , in order, within the framework of the Charter, to examine the situation, decide on and convene an ad hoc meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, or a special session of the General Assembly, all of which must take place within a ten-day period.
That was a revolutionary statement for the Organization of American States in 1991, given the history of the western hemisphere. That was in June.
In the summer of 1991, in August, to be precise, there was a coup in Moscow, with Mikhail Gorbachev. The world took notice. He was trying to implement glasnost and move Russia towards a more open and market-based system. The military took over for a period of about a week. We didn't know where Mikhail Gorbachev was and the military was in charge.
Mr. Chair, the government of the day and former prime minister Mulroney vehemently opposed that and demanded the return of Mr. Gorbachev.
At the end of September—