Thank you, Mr. Chair.
It's good to see colleagues back here on Monday morning. In anticipation of maybe getting a signal, I'll proceed with making some arguments here as that process continues.
I know that we're currently debating a subamendment put forward by Mr. Bergeron to an amendment that I had originally put forward. The purpose of the amendment was to establish some general parameters around the timing that governs the way this prospective study would proceed, recognizing that the committee does have greater priorities in front of it, or certainly perhaps issues that are ongoing and that we're in the middle of studying—the situation in Ukraine, the dynamics around vaccine equity and the situation of prospective security threats to Taiwan.
The amendment was designed to respond to what I think was not the way in which committees should normally operate. In the middle of existing studies, there was a proposal put forward to say, “No, we should ignore what we're doing now and we should instead raise this political issue.” We said, “Okay, let's at least have some timelines in place around that, and then also prescribe the way in which the subcommittee should be engaged for that process.” The subcommittee on agenda and procedure should meet.
I do want to share that certainly we are hoping for some kind of constructive engagement to come to an understanding on an amendment to this motion that would make it work for the committee. I think committees are at their best when they're able to work on a consensus basis. Certainly from our side there is a desire to come to an understanding and to meet partway on certain aspects of this. One of the proposals I've mused about is saying that we've set a timeline on the subcommittee reporting back to the main committee as a mechanism of ensuring that the process would move forward in a reasonable fashion.
This is the general objective of the amendment. I appreciate the subamendment as a constructive proposal and as something that maybe provides some basis for some dialogue in terms of how we come to a consensus as a committee. When you do have a motion from one party, an amendment from another party and a subamendment from another party, that can seem unwieldy, but I think it actually is potentially very constructive that you have different parties playing a role in trying to flesh out the appropriate wording around the motion.
That's what brings us to the subamendment. It removes the words “after the completion of the committee's studies on” and replaces them with “the committee makes a decision on the studies before it on”. There's a part two to the subamendment, which I'll speak to in a moment.
The initial section here is substantive in the change that it proposes to make. The existing amendment prescribes a path forward that involves the committee needing to complete particular studies on Ukraine, vaccine equity and Taiwan. The revised version prescribes not that their studies be completed but that a decision be made on those studies.
Again, none of this is impossible to go back and forth on and try to establish a constructive way forward, but I do think that for at least some of these existing studies, it would be very important to say that we should not just make a decision on them but actually complete them. We've done a lot of work in terms of hearings on the issue of vaccine equity. I think it's evident that the dynamics around vaccine equity are constantly changing. There are some similar issues that are consistent over time.
When we initially talked about undertaking this work, there were questions about there being enough vaccines. We realized, as the study went forward, that there were issues around delivery and that delivery was a big issue. It's worthwhile, I think, seeking to complete that work.
In the spirit of wanting to complete that work, of course that's why we have, at many points, sought to adjourn the debate on this motion so we can get back to that work. Members of other parties have accused us of dragging this out, but that accusation is hard to square with the reality that we are the ones who are saying let's adjourn the debate on this issue so we can hash out the dynamics of our agenda going forward and, really, be able to focus on completing the work that's before the committee right now. It would be creating a little bit more space for conversation around the path forward, but in the meantime, adjourning debate...and not in a final way, of course. As members know, or should know, the procedure around an adjournment of debate isn't to make an issue disappear. Something can be brought back very shortly after something has been adjourned, but it does create a space for some of that dialogue to happen.
Insofar as we have had, informally at least, quasi-adjournment of debate.... For example, we had an in camera opportunity to hear from certain witnesses. These are things we've been willing to do in some cases but not others. This, in particular, as I was speaking to the issue of vaccine equity and the completion of that, not just the making of a decision about it but the completion of it, is something that, I think, would have been worthwhile and would be worthwhile to do as soon as reasonably possible.
On the issue of Ukraine as well, the completion of our work on Ukraine or at least the completion of the immediate phase of that work.... Again, this is where I think we could wordsmith in between. I don't think the procedures allow for sub-subamendments. I think you just do those as subsequent subamendments. The fact that the committee should complete an initial report or an initial statement—ideally an initial report—that puts forward the committee's work up until now on that particular issue, I think, would be very worthwhile.
Look, if the committee makes a decision to defer to another committee or set aside a study.... Obviously the work on Taiwan is important, but the work on Taiwan began before the special committee on Canada-China relations began. I think there would be an argument for continuing that work at either this committee or that committee. On the one hand, this committee has begun that work and there are many other issues at the other committee, but on the other hand, the other committee is there to specifically look at some of the issues around—among other things—aggressive action by the Chinese state. That work might fit well within the framework at that committee. This is where, I think, the issue of completion as opposed to making a decision about that work is important, but that completion could ostensibly take different forms.
I do think it's important to raise that the language of the subamendment does introduce some ambiguity where it maybe doesn't exist in the original version. The amendment uses the language of “makes a decision on”. I think I've been saying “making a decision about”, but it's “makes a decision on”. It does not necessarily specify that this decision would be carried out prior to proceeding to the next phase of it. I think that's an area of ambiguity that needs to be taken into consideration in terms of the vote around this.
For example, if we were to make a decision about the Ukraine study.... Let's say we made a decision that, in fact, we wanted—in the case of the Ukraine study—to complete that study or complete an initial report before moving to this other prospective study. That would be making a decision about the matter, but it wouldn't necessarily be making a decision about and carrying out that decision. Carrying out that decision would be to actually make the decision to complete the report, in this sort of hypothetical instance, and then to actually complete the report.
This is a different matter than just making the decision, so I would worry insofar as there is ambiguity in the language around this. Were we to make a decision about it.... Let's say we make a decision. Okay, we're going to complete the vaccine equity report, hypothetically. That would satisfy the conditions of this subamendment. Then we would proceed to this other study envisioned in the original motion without actually carrying out the work prescribed by that decision, which is the completion of the report. The “making of a decision on” is conceptually distinct from “making a decision and carrying out that decision” on the same point. I think we need to have a greater degree of clarity around it.
In terms of the path forward for the three studies currently before the committee—Ukraine, vaccine equity and Taiwan—we might want to make decisions about those studies. Personally, I would suggest the completion language be stronger, but we might want to make decisions and carry out those decisions about those studies. We could say we're going to complete two of them and transfer one of them, or complete one, do an interim report on one, and then continue concurrently while we set aside one. These are the kinds of decisions the committee might make on how to proceed with those studies. I think that was, broadly speaking, the process envisioned in the development of this subamendment.
I don't think it's an unreasonable prescription to say we would want to leave ourselves some degree of flexibility. The existing text of the subamendment is not quite explicit in terms of how we would want that to unfold with respect to the making and carrying out of decisions, before proceeding to the subsequent matter that would then be before the committee.
The second part of the subamendment makes further changes that are noteworthy. The previous language prescribed the manner in which the study is to proceed and replaces that with specifying the manner in which the studies be undertaken. Again, it's replacing “prescribing the manner in which the study is to proceed” with “specifying the manner in which the studies be undertaken”. I think the most substantive part of that change.... There are a few cases where the words are changed, and I think we need to note what's implied by the change in those words.
The most substantive part of that change is the shift from the language of “study” to “studies”. The original amendment envisioned that the study would proceed after a subcommittee report was adopted. This described how the study originally envisioned by Dr. Fry's motion would proceed. I think the meaning is then shifted by the subamendment to say the subcommittee should meet and prescribe the manner in which all the committee's work would proceed—looking at this new motion, as well as the proposals around Ukraine, vaccine equity and Taiwan. I don't think that's a bad thing, actually.
I think the shift from “study” to “studies” is probably constructive. Really what it does is it invites us to say that the subcommittee should get together, talk about what the foregoing agenda is going to be and come to some kind of agreement on how to proceed with respect to all of the studies. This is, I think, how this should have proceeded all along.
The reason we are in this situation of hashing out an agenda at the main committee is that a member decided to bring it to the main committee in the middle of other studies instead of doing that work at the subcommittee, which is the normal process. I don't, of course, dispute the right of members to do that, but it's not the most effective way of—