Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I've had a little bit of time to think about the motion—not a lot of time—and I'm opposed to it for two reasons.
The first is on principle, and the second is on the actual substance of the motion.
There may be a variety of disagreement with respect to the substance, but I want to talk about the principle first.
We are in the midst of a study on the war in Ukraine by Russia, including the aspect of the Gazprom turbines. We are in the midst of that study, and I do not think it is ever good for a committee to jump to conclusions before we finish the study. That is just good process. That is the way we work best as a parliamentary committee.
We have a study. We will have a report, and there can be recommendations in that report with respect to the waiver. I'm very willing to entertain it at that time, but I think that there's a certain amount of grandstanding that is going on with a motion like this that I don't think is necessarily helpful in a parliamentary system. Nor do I think it is wise for us to set that kind of a precedent for jumping to conclusions before we have finished our study.
In that regard, we have just spent an hour without any substance related to the topic at hand, which is the Gazprom turbines. We heard committee testimony that should have gone to our natural resources committee; that's where it belongs. It was an inappropriate waste of time of the foreign affairs and international development committee to spend time talking about a very important issue, but it's not our issue, sir. It is not our issue to deal with. It is the natural resources committee's responsibility as part of the energy infrastructure of this country to deal with it. It had nothing to do with a turbine, a pipeline or two pipelines in supplying Russia with energy. It was, again, a political manoeuvre by one of the opposition parties to attract attention to an issue that really deserves time, as I will admit, but not at this committee. This committee is meant to be dealing with our international relations and our international development portfolios that we are responsible for and charged with as part of the standing orders that we deal with.
We had an hour. I did not raise the question of relevance of the questioning because the witness was absolutely clear and absolutely forthright in his testimony. It had nothing to do with Russia and it had nothing to do with Germany and nothing to do with the Gazprom turbines particularly, but it had to do with a failure of one of the opposition parties to understand the nature of climate change, the nature of the change in the economy and the nature of energy.
No questions were raised about the fact that we have nuclear energy in this country, which far outweighs the importance. I would suggest to some European countries that they should deal with that. That's not, again, this committee's responsibility. Those are domestic issues in Germany, and their ability to have energy security is their absolute responsibility. They will seek other forms of energy. Particularly, we know that the Prime Minister and the Chancellor had great discussions with respect to green hydrogen, and I think that is an important discussion.
On the process, I simply disagree. Let's wait until we get our report. Let's get an understanding of the whole complex nature of the situation. Let's get a whole understanding of what is going on, and then we can, indeed, look at whether or not we want a recommendation with respect to one particular waiver. It's also facile to attempt to say that somehow the Government of Canada is not supportive of Ukraine with this one waiver.
Canada is ranked in the top five countries. Some of us were able to meet with the Polish Speaker a few months ago, who looked at the five or six countries that are key to supporting Ukraine militarily, economically, with sanctions, with UN resolutions at the International Criminal Court and at the International Court of Justice. That is what Canada is doing. Canada is well known for doing it.
Canada is extremely honoured on our defence spending, on our economic measures, as well as on our sanctions, which we do in concert with other countries.
Let's get the whole report and see whether there is a place for a recommendation to the government with respect to the waiver. That's on the principle.
On the content, I would still say I'm getting rather circular reasoning from the Conservatives. I hear that the turbine is of no value, is not being used and is simply superfluous to the whole situation. I hear that somehow it is hindering Ukraine's ability to fight in a war. It can't be both.
The reality is that I am hearing these arguments that then take me simply into pure politics and an attempt to divide. I think if there's one thing we've learned from other experiences of war, Canada has been at its best when we actually unite and talk together about how we do things in the best interest of Canada first and in our support for Ukraine.
We are engaged in the illegal conflict of Russia and its invasion of Ukraine for several reasons. It offends our sense of international law, of territorial integrity and of our understanding, and the world's understanding, of the history of Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. We have stood united, I believe, against Russia's illegal invasion. We should continue to do that based on the fact that it is wrong.
We also stand united by this because Canada has a unique relationship with Ukraine. We are home to the largest diaspora of Ukrainian people outside of Russia, if that is to be considered, on absolute numbers and on percentage. We have an emotional connection. Nobody doesn't care about Ukrainian people or Ukraine as an emerging yet fragile democracy that we have been supporting since its independence.
The second reason we are doing that, which I hope will come out in this report that we are united about, is the deep and abiding people-to-people connection that we have had for well over a century.
The third reason—and I sometimes have to remind people of this when I've been travelling—is that if you look at the globe in one way, Russia seems very far away from Canada. If you look at the globe from the top, you recognize that we share a maritime border with Russia. It is a matter of Canadian security to be sure that we are able to watch, manage and push back on Russian aggression when it comes to anybody's territorial integrity because we have Canada's Arctic as well.
People live in the Arctic. Resources are in the Arctic. Climate change is affecting the Arctic. The ocean is opening. We are watching very closely what Russia is doing in Ukraine because we obviously have sovereignty concerns in our Arctic.
That tells me that we need to engage in a different way on this discussion. We need to find ways that don't play politics about it and don't try to divide and conquer. We have to find a way to be a unity government and we will take advice from the opposition regularly. The Minister of Foreign Affairs is regularly engaged with members of the opposition, who have had constructive, important and positive statements with respect to Ukraine and have been engaged all the way through.
It's absolutely appropriate for the opposition to push on military weapons that we should be sending to Ukraine. However, we've also seen that they are often out of date and may not actually be wanted in Ukraine.
We look at our allies. We look at NATO and at how we doing what we can. Canada offers transport for weapons constantly. We are engaged in providing support and care. We are continuing with the training mission, which began after the invasion of Crimea. We are continuing to provide financial support, sovereign loans and other supports to ensure that the economy continues. That's what we should be talking about.
On the content of the motion, it's circular, it's specious and it is going back and forth to try to somehow prove some nefarious idea that the government is not helping Ukraine to every degree we can. We are, and we will continue to do that.
Also, on the concept of principle, I would be against it because we haven't done our report yet.
If we need more evidence, we'll get more evidence, but I think we have a good calendar to get us to a report, despite the fact that we just wasted an hour on a natural resources committee hearing when we should have been doing more important work with respect to this study.
I would be against this motion as I just....
In closing, I'll repeat that on the principle, we have not finished our report yet. On the substance of the motion, I think it is wrong and not in the best interest of Canada's international position or Canada's domestic position, as well as our alliance with countries like Germany—but not exclusively Germany—and with respect to Ukraine. It has still not been proven to me that this has affected Ukraine in any negative way whatsoever. Perhaps, while being able to at least open the door to helping allies, we want to continue to work with and be with all of them every step of the way.
The very last point would be that every country needs a social licence from its voters, from its electorate, from its citizenry and from its residents to engage in these wars. That's what we need. Our European allies constantly need that. If they have an energy security threat, just as our southern neighbours may have a food security threat, we need to stand with them. We need to work on energy security, absolutely, and we need to work on food security, absolutely, while we push back against Putin's regime to say “enough is enough”.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.