Thank you.
One, I understand that given proposed section 56.1, we're talking more about flexible fixed elections because the Governor General's authority and discretion to take the advice of the Prime Minister at any time preceding the fixed election date could in fact see Canadians in a general election.
My point is that much has been made of the idea that fixed election dates would counter voter apathy, would see possibly an improvement of voter participation. I would just like to know what studies have been done that show that fixed election dates do in fact show higher voter participation than we normally see in jurisdictions, mostly parliamentary systems, where there is no fixed election date. Also, how do the fixed election dates that we see in the United States and here at the municipal level measure up in terms of voter participation? As well, have studies been done to look at the correlation between voter participation and the fact that some jurisdictions that do have fixed election dates actually make it a legal mandatory obligation to go and vote, and if one doesn't vote, depending on the jurisdiction, there's either a penalty to be paid or it could go up to imprisonment?