If I could, Mr. Chair, I already addressed the issue of wealthy or powerful individuals.
In terms of women and the question of equity and credit history, I think I already addressed that. This bill does create a level playing field. In particular, if you're talking about women as candidates in a campaign, as I said, where this has been the case in Ontario, banks tend to make contributions based on a guarantee of the return of the rebate you get. In our case, it would be from Elections Canada. That would allow somebody a fair bit of financing room. So that is how they tend to approach it, rather than on the creditworthiness of the individual, because they are well aware of the individual's constraints in making the contributions. That's where it actually levels the playing field, for those who are not of great means and who lack those financial resources and networks, as women do. In fact, this improves their position and their opportunities.
I know Madam Redman is writing something on that response, but in terms of the Ellen Fairclough Fund, the Conservative equivalent of the Judy LaMarsh Fund and Equal Voice, and so on, those contributions to people's nomination campaigns effectively became illegal under the Liberal legislation. That's where that difficulty arose. There's nothing new in this legislation affecting that one way or another.
The next issue is the details of loans. There is a requirement for disclosure, you're quite right, but it is inconsistent between different types of candidates. Whether you're a riding candidate or a party or a candidate for nomination, there are different disclosure requirements. We are trying to make them consistent across the board.
On third-party advertising and spending, there is a law in place now. It continues to be in place and in effect; it does have limits. Of course, the limit nationally is $150,000 for a third-party campaign.
The next item is the issue of people crossing the floor. I know that's an interesting one. I'm sure the member from Mississauga—Streetsville, who actually made his own loan to his riding association, will be interested to see how that gets resolved and whether the party reimburses that. This is another matter.
Our legislation, of course, is only prospective; we are not seeking to have any retrospective application. I don't think that would be fair or equitable. So there won't be any retrospective application, either to cases like that or situations like, for example, the Liberal leadership campaigns. Under our legislation, it's not proposed to have those existing loans fall under our coverage.
There are some who have argued, including in the other parties, that we should make it retrospective in reach. My view has always been that it's a fundamental principle of natural justice that legislation should not be retroactive. It should not capture people who were relying, at the time they did whatever it is they did, on a legal regime in place at the time. They should be entitled to continue to rely on the law that was there at the time they made those decisions.
Finally, in terms of charter compliance, we're quite confident this is charter compliant. As I indicated, this regime has operated at a number of levels. There are far more restrictive regimes. For example, in the province of Manitoba, the regime is far more restrictive, and it has continued to operate successfully, regardless of complaints. We have a system that creates a level playing field, that creates adequate opportunities for public financing as well, and that ensures there is a functioning process. I think it would be very difficult for anybody to argue that their charter rights are in any way significantly compromised under this, or any of the previous legislation brought in regarding political financing.