I'm glad I got that on the record. It was a nice thing she did. I appreciated that.
I think she doesn't view things this way, necessarily. Look, the important thing is this. The way their mandate is written, they're reporting to the Minister of Democratic Institutions. They're reporting to the Prime Minister.
I anticipate, when she comes here, the minister may well say that she can't answer this question or that question, that it's not in her remit, that it's not in her mandate letter. That is a separate mandate given by means of an order in council from the crown to these individuals. Not only ministers of the crown are commissioned by the crown, but many other people are as well. So is every military officer. So is every commissioner, every head of every board. Everybody who isn't commissioned by the House of Commons and Senate is commissioned by the crown. Most people who are out there, those thousands and thousands of people working for the Government of Canada. They aren't answerable to her. Indeed, I think she would make a point of saying that they aren't answerable to her: they're supposed to be independent. The word “independent” is actually written into their title or at least it's written to all the talking points about their title and their mandate, and therefore, she can't answer.
What do we do then? We go back again, and beg and plead with Mr. Chan to, I guess, kiss his ring and say, “Could we please, humbly beseech you and the ministers, or whoever, to come back and speak to us”.
What I want, and I may be speaking for some others here, is to have these individuals come back, because they do have a mandate and they are the only ones who can speak to their mandate.
While I respect Professor Jutras' discretion in choosing not to answer certain things certain ways, it seemed clear to me that what he was saying is that he was attempting—although it wasn't really his responsibility to do this—to be respectful of our mandate. In fact, he actually worded things to say exactly that, “the mandate of your letter”, “the standing order under which you've convened this meeting”.
Now, we would have a different meeting at which we would deal with all aspects of his mandate and likewise for the other two permanent members. That would include questions, such as the one that I raised before I was shut down by the Chair, which was: How many applications did you actually get? How many nominations did you get?
There are a series of things they can't answer. It's not their fault that any filled-out application or nomination form becomes a level B protected document. They really can't talk about that. That is why it's written in there. That's a secret that freezes them from saying anything on the nominal basis that harm would be done if the content of those letters was revealed. Of course, we would respect that.
We'd be asking: How many actual nominations did you get? I'm interested in knowing that because look at how this process was set up. This process was set up through a press release on January 29, 2016, that we would now be accepting phase one nominations. The whole process was announced at that time, a process which, until then, was a complete secret. We knew nothing about it. It's a process, I should add, that was designed by the government and not by the advisory board. That's just to lay the blame where the blame ought to be laid for this.
The phase one process was announced to the public on January 29, 2016, and we were told that nominations would be open until February 15, 2016. You can add it up. That is 15 days, if you count the 15th and if you count the 29th. You can check the date on the email when it was sent out. The 29th was a Friday, and Saturday and Sunday are on the weekend.
This information was not posted in the normal spots we'd expect to see it. It wasn't, for example, on the website of the Minister of Democratic Institutions. Knowledge that this process was in existence took a while to spread out. I didn't find out about it until I got an email from the minister after a weekend had gone by.
You can't get appointed under this process, and your name cannot be passed on to the Prime Minister by the advisory board unless (a) you've submitted your application, (b) this brand new nomination that nobody knew existed isn't filled out by an officer of an organization, and (c) someone fills it out and says he's from such and such organization and has such and such a title.
Now, I'm involved in a number of charitable organizations. This very Saturday I will be chairing, as I do every year, the annual cystic fibrosis fundraising dinner in Ottawa. I volunteer in an organization, a community kitchen called The Table, and I host a fundraising dinner for them at my house every year. It's not because I'm special or important. It's just because that's what happens when you're a member of Parliament and have been around for a long time. But I do know a little bit about how organizations work.
Let's say for the sake of argument that one of those two organizations had wanted to put forward the name of someone, and they wanted to do it responsibly. What they would have to do is send out notice of a meeting. They would use their rules of order, and everybody has different rules of order, but I submit that it might be Robert's Rules of Order. Those are the most commonly used rules of order, and others are very similar with regard to notice requirements for board of directors meetings. It would normally take two weeks to summon a board of directors meeting. Maybe they didn't learn about this until Monday—but why would they learn about it? Do you think that the Cystic Fibrosis Foundation or any other organization like that spends its time hunting through the various outlets through which these notices are put out? No, of course they don't. So they might not find out about it immediately.
You call your meeting. February 1 is a Monday. We have to call a meeting, and we have a two weeks' notice requirement. When would that be? Well, two weeks from February 1...oh, that would be February 14, which is a Sunday. February 15 at noon is your deadline, so I guess if we had an extraordinary meeting on the weekend we could pull this off and then submit it on Family Day. Now, it's not Family Day in every province, but it is in Ontario, and one of the vacancies is in Ontario. I don't know whether it's Family Day in Manitoba and Quebec. I'm just not up on their provincial holidays. It's one of those areas that I haven't researched perhaps as well as I should.
But there you are. So it would be literally impossible to appoint or nominate somebody on the advice of the board of most organizations. It's practically impossible for virtually everybody. On the other hand, if you're just submitting that so-and-so who's an officer of an organization should nominate someone, supposedly on behalf of that organization, because that is the cover story, then that person's name could go forward. So why the preposterously tight deadline? Why the lack of notification?
Normally, every time something minor is announced by this government, supposedly a step forward in terms of democracy or consultation, there's a national press release, they're thumping it, and it's an epoch-making moment in Canadian democracy. But there's nothing on this except a press release, which is not followed by a press conference, not put on the normal websites, nothing.
Perhaps you can see why I want to know the number of actual nominations that were made. I'm interested in the number of applications too, but the number of nominations, I want to see that, because my guess is it was really, really small.
In Quebec, where you actually have to be representing a district of the province, the 24 districts of the Senate, it must be tiny. How tiny? I don't know, but it must be tiny.
Let's say for the sake of argument you were trying to design a system that was ostensibly open, that was ostensibly about inclusion, ostensibly about removing the prime minister's control, which he had in the traditional system. The Prime Minister advises, by convention, the Governor General on who should be elevated to the Senate, and by convention the Governor General always takes the Prime Minister's advice.
Okay. So the government is saying that this is a thing of the past here. We're doing things differently now. You submit your application. A board decides. They submit it to the Prime Minister. He chooses or doesn't choose, as he may see fit. But we want to have him choosing someone who's on the list as a way of showing our purity in this matter—and we only get a couple of names.
In fact, they only have enough names to make four or five submissions. The people on there would likely include those who knew in advance that this would be the system; those who were informed in advance. Now, those who knew in advance would therefore have.... Well, first of all, this would make a farce of the system. Certain people were notified. As tight a restriction as possible was placed upon the process to ensure that very few applications could occur. This would ensure that the names of the people the Prime Minister wanted are now going forward, are guaranteed to go forward, in phase one. I'm not saying this is true of the later phases. I'm saying this is true of phase one because of that ridiculously tight timeline and the novel innovation of the requirement for a nomination.
Any organization that knew could have dealt with this in advance. Did the organizations know? Well, in all fairness, the members of the advisory board won't know that, and probably the minister won't either. But it is reasonable to guess that this is the case—that some organizations indeed knew this would be happening, that some individuals knew this would be happening, that they knew to make their application and to have the nomination submitted at the same time.
Indeed, Mr. Chair, I will submit to you that it is beyond the realm of credible belief that you could have a situation in which the applicant and the nominating organization would not have known of each other and would not have been working in tandem. Can you imagine a situation, plausibly, where that would be occurring? I certainly can't.
Now, they know, and possibly they have been tipped off by the government ahead of time, that they should be doing something—all of which we can't ever know, because we are not allowed to summon the board members, or the minister will say it's outside of her mandate. So these individuals who are on the government's actual short list get rushed through.
I mean, if it's not plausible to believe that this is true in Ontario or Manitoba, think how implausible it is to believe that there wouldn't have been coordination in Quebec, where you actually have to be the owner of real estate in a specific senatorial election district, one of the old electoral districts of the province of Lower Canada way back before Confederation. In some of these districts, this is actually a real practical problem. It's hard to find available real estate, because these are districts that have very tiny populations. They were once populous. The land has been consolidated over time.
So this is just beyond the realm of plausible belief. The argument to be made here is this. It may very well be the case, when you have the government working closely in tandem...not with the applicant; that's fine. Or it may not be fine when you're pretending you weren't working with them, but it's fine constitutionally. Constitutionally, however, it is problematic, when you have a situation in which the nominating body or organization, or individual from that organization—president, chairman, or whomever—and we can't find out whether that was done....
Indeed, I'm not sure the advisory board is powered to make further inquiries and find out—I don't know—whether that person was speaking on behalf of the whole organization. Was there a vote taken? Was there a meeting of their board of directors? We don't know. We can't know. Maybe the advisory board doesn't know or can't know, although I would like to ask that question.
That the nominee, the applicant, is not in practice subject to a tremendous amount of limitation on his or her independence.... They had to compromise their independence in advance in order to get that name into the process. Maybe that's not true with someone who somehow managed to get in under the wire, discovering this at the last minute. Maybe that's not true there, but it has to be true of the people who were pre-selected by the government, as most certainly some individuals were.
Now, we can't ask about this here if Mr. Chan and his colleagues shut down our ability to bring back these advisory board members. If the minister says “I don't know”—and she probably won't know—it is outside of the Senate's ethics rules, as I understand it, to raise questions like this.
We can have individuals whose independence is being compromised, and the Supreme Court has been very specific—and I did hear Professor Jutras say some of this in his testimony today—in saying that it is a requirement that senators be independent, a term that is not found in the Constitution Act, 1867, but which is, as the court said, implicit in its architecture. They must be independent.
This could very well be a compromise to their independence and a compromise to their independence that is, through the nature of the process, kept secret from everybody so that we can't know how their independence has been compromised. That is an irreparable harm. That is why I want to get the minister here before rather than after the point at which these appointments are made.
And why did I ask Professor Jutras how long it would take? I asked because I want to find out. Minister LeBlanc said yesterday that they are taking a little bit longer than we thought, so there may be time to ask them if this is a problem before it's too late, because they've had to submit the names. Perhaps this is why they are taking their time submitting the names. They have been stuck with a situation in which they don't think the candidates who are being presented to them are the right kind of candidates.
I'm not sure how they would express that, because I understand their requirement for discretion. But it may very well be something else on their mind. I wouldn't fault them if they didn't answer a question like that because that really would be a lapse of their discretion, but that implies that the rules that were designed for them are inappropriate, certainly when it comes to the first term round.
Finally, he said that he would be submitting a letter to the Prime Minister, or a report to the Prime Minister, that will be public. While it's reasonable for him to say, “I don't want to start making independent comments and I want to discuss this”, I think he meant to say “discuss this with my colleagues”, the other commissioners, first. That's a reasonable position, I think.
It is not unreasonable for them to know that we would likely be asking them questions like that an if they're all present, they could share something with us. It is not unreasonable for us to want to find out, rather than deferring to our betters and waiting for Justin Trudeau, in his imperial awesomeness, to look at this, see it first, and then let us peasants know what is permissible for us to know. We can all tug our forelocks, thank him for the privilege, and kiss the buckle of his shoe. That is not reasonable.
That's all I have to say. I'm not trying to filibuster on this. I would actually like a vote today, Mr. Chair, in part because we are going to be away for a week, and I don't want this motion to wait until then to be decided.