I'm always worried that we're going to create these structures, these laws and regulations, and then people applying them in their offices will misapply them—that's something I've seen—and they will err on the side of caution. They'll do it justifiably. They're trying to protect their organizations. They have privacy officers in corporations and in organizations. I used to be a privacy officer at the HR Institute. They're cautious. Everything is about caution. They don't want to make a mistake. They want to err on the side of caution.
How much of that would impact political parties in the day-to-day activities they have in trying to both identify issues that are important to their supporter base and identify those people whom they don't agree with? I have supporters who don't agree with the New Democrats and the New Democrats have supporters who don't agree with me. I obviously don't want to be communicating with them on an issue on which they don't want to be communicated with, and I'll try to avoid doing that, because I have a finite amount of time.
What do you say to those who make the case that political parties are incentivized already to avoid communicating with those who obviously don't want to speak to them, don't care about the same issues, and are not compelled by the same things? It's a public debate. Whether I'm door-knocking or I'm at a town hall and I'm trying to figure out if Chris and Ruby agree with me or not and whether they are supporters or not supporters, or if I do it on social media or through some other means such as a letter-writing campaign, where do we draw the distinction between what should be private and what is part of the public square or public debate about what is arguably the right of politicians—or not the right of politicians, because we don't have a right to anything—or the ability to understand how our citizens think about a particular issue, and where they are leaning in terms of support or voting? Where's the line?