If that clarification is needed, I'm sure I can get that for you.
Further, from that same briefing document, in regard to making a ruling in general on parliamentary privilege, it states:
In making a ruling on the matter, it is the Speaker's role to determine whether or not a prima facie case of privilege exists;
It goes on:
The Speaker “is limited to deciding whether the matter is of such a character as to entitle the member who has raised the question to move a motion which will have priority over the Orders of the Day. If the Speaker finds that a prima facie case of privilege exists, he or she will invite the member to move the appropriate motion, which is usually to refer the matter to the Procedure and House Affairs Committee.
The motion of course is debatable.
That's what has happened in this case.
In a moment, I will lay out some of the wording that was used by both the mover and the Speaker in making the ruling, because I think that's important context for this.
You'll note that one of the things that was key in here is that when the Speaker has made the ruling of a prima facie case, this indicates that it warrants further inquiry. In my mind, as parliamentarians, those responsible for dealing with such a matter here at this committee, it's important for us to ensure that we are doing our full due diligence, making sure we've done that further inquiry to the degree necessary to have done our job appropriately.
I'll move down just a little further in the same briefing note as well with an example about similar situations. It states:
In similar situations in the past where the Committee has received an order of reference in relation to the premature disclosure of a bill, the Committee has heard from the Member who raised the question of privilege and the minister sponsoring the bill.
Among others. And depending on the nature of the matter, the committee may also decide to invite additional individuals to give evidence.
Of course, we did hear from the minister who was sponsoring the bill when she was here, and I'll get to this in a moment. She very clearly indicated to us that there were others who had access to the bill, that there were others who had some responsibility in relation to the bill. It seemed quite clear to I think a number of the members of the committee, certainly to myself, that there was a necessity to call additional individuals to give evidence. We have some motions of course that will come before us today, I hope, Mr. Chair, that look specifically at that. The motion that we have in front of us now would help us to indicate who else might potentially need to appear or give us some sense at least to the numbers of those who had access.
In terms of this briefing note that I have here—as I've mentioned, I have a number of them, but this one looks like it was prepared by the Office of the Law Clerk, I believe, back in April, and it gives a bit of a chronology of the ruling on this particular point—I'm just going to read very brief passages from it, Mr. Chair.
On April 14, 2016, Bill C-14 was introduced in the House and given first reading.
Later that sitting, Mr. Andrew Scheer, the then House Leader of the Official Opposition rose on a question of privilege regarding the alleged premature disclosure of the contents of Bill C-14.
In his intervention, Mr. Scheer stated that the details about Bill C-14 found in The Globe and Mail article went beyond “journalistic speculation,” and that the details indeed matched the content of the bill.
On April 19, 2016, the Speaker ruled that the question raised by Mr. Scheer constituted a prima facie, or “at first sight”, question of privilege.
It continues, “(In his ruling, the Speaker told members that the House occupies a pre-eminent role in the legislative process”, which is a key point, “and it was contrary to well-established practice to allow precise legislative information to be distributed to the public before being made accessible to Members.”
In making his decision, the Speaker referred to past precedent, in particular, to a Speaker's ruling of 19 March, 2001, in which the Speaker had ruled that once notice had been given for a public bill, confidentiality about its contents must be maintained until the bill was introduced in the House. The Speaker therefore ruled that the premature disclosure of the contents of Bill C-14 impeded the ability of all members to perform their parliamentary functions.)
That's a serious matter when we're looking at that here, Mr. Chair.
A little further down in this same note, and this discusses his ruling again:
...once a bill has been placed on notice, confidentiality about its contents was necessary because of “the pre-eminent role which the House plays and must play in the legislative affairs of the nation.”
Again, this sets out a very, very important point.
The Speaker further told the House:
To deny to members information concerning business that is about to come before the House, while at the same time providing such information to media that will likely be questioning members about that business, is a situation that the Chair cannot condone.
Having referred that to us to make sure we do our full study, investigation, and due diligence of it, when the Chair indicates he cannot condone such an action, and for the government to simply say that they heard from the justice minister, we have all of these questions left hanging here, and they'll just sweep it under the carpet, to me does not sound like taking it as seriously as the Speaker did.
I want to refer to the words of the chief government whip as well, when he acknowledged that there was a problem that existed here in his remarks immediately upon the matter being raised in the House. He said, “...our government takes any breach of the privilege of members and of the House very seriously.” He also committed at that time to ensuring that it would not happen again.
Now, those words are fine, Mr. Chair, but it seems to me as though that's part of a pattern we've seen from this Liberal government. It has been one of words and not actions. This just seems to fit very well with that theme. It's unfortunate that this theme exists, and I would certainly hope that maybe some of the government members today will choose to change that course of action from this government, so that the words might start to match the actions.
When you say a government takes this seriously and will commit to ensuring it doesn't happen again, but then chooses to sweep under the rug concerns that are there, opportunities that are there to try to get to the bottom of a situation, to try and ensure that this won't happen again.... Again, the chief government whip indicated that he was committing that they would ensure it would not happen again. Well, if you don't actually get to the bottom of what happened and try to determine ways to ensure it won't happen again, those sound like hollow, hollow words.
I want to refer again to a Speaker Milliken ruling on a similar matter:
As honourable members know, one of my most important responsibilities as Speaker is to safeguard the rights and privileges of members, individually and collectively. Central to the matter before us today is the fact that, due to its pre-eminent role in the legislative process, the House cannot allow precise legislative information to be distributed to others before it has been made accessible to all members. Previous Speakers have regularly upheld not only this fundamental right, but also expectation, of the House.
Again, a clear ruling, a clear statement.
When we talk about this, again I'll refer to a point that was made relating to the March of 2001 ruling as well, that:
The convention of the confidentiality of bills on notice is necessary, not only so that members themselves may be well informed, but also because of the pre-eminent rule which the House plays and must play in the legislative affairs of the nation.
Again, that's another clear statement on this.
I guess where this leads me to is really quite a concern that you have a government saying that it takes this seriously and they want to make sure it doesn't happen again. We've had the justice minister come before us and certainly indicate, and I'll use some words from her testimony here before the committee.
She was asked on couple of occasions who else may have had access, who else maybe we should be hearing from, and who might be the source of the leak, because she made it very clear that there had been some work to determine this and she felt that she was confident in saying that the source of the leak had not come from anyone in her office. While we appreciate that she came before us and indicated that, when questioned by both Mr. Reid and myself, she made it quite clear:
In developing the legislation, certainly the Department of Justice was involved and engaged with many other departments and agencies. You're correct in saying that those included Health Canada. Certainly, on such a transformative piece of legislation, the Prime Minister's Office was aware of the contents of the legislation.
She went on to indicate also that there were drafts of memorandums to cabinet containing the specific policy recommendations, etc., which were shared with central agencies. She mentioned other departments and agencies, again, where they sought out feedback, and then also in relation to a question that I had asked of her as well where I indicated that based on her statements I felt that if she was indicating that her office hadn't been the source of the leak then it would seem like it must have occurred likely from either the PMO or the health minister's office. Her comments to that were:
Given the references in terms of the departments that were involved in the development of this legislation, there's a substantial number of people who were involved. Given the magnitude and the transformative nature of this legislation, of course the Prime Minister's office saw the legislation...
I think it would be fairly clear from all of this that if this committee is going to take seriously its obligations to take seriously its role, its job, to ensure that we are making sure that the Speaker's ruling is respected, making sure that the words of the chief government whip are not just hollow words but actually mean something and there's actually action behind them, it would be the job of this committee to ensure that we've reviewed and had an opportunity to have on record the testimony of the Minister of Health, have on record officials from the Prime Minister's Office. As I had indicated to the government members last time when they were seeming to resist the idea of calling staff members from the Prime Minister's Office, although in the motions that will follow we do seek to call some of the senior staff, if the members of the government are still insisting that they feel that calling senior members of the Prime Minister's Office is inappropriate, then the only other person that we could simply call would be the Prime Minister himself. I'm certainly open to that if it would make the government members more comfortable, but at the end of the day somebody needs to come, just as the justice minister, did from the Minister of Health and from the Prime Minister's Office to indicate what steps were taken there to ensure that this doesn't happen again.
Again, the chief government whip said that they will ensure“ that this does not happen again”.