I agree with Mr. Turnbull in the sense that, in the scope or context of what we're dealing with under the current crisis, in any of the recommendations that we put forward, that should be the context by which we discuss this. If there are, for example, changes to the Standing Orders that need to be looked at in the event of any future circumstance, then we can do that at a later time. We don't have to make those recommendations now as to those Standing Orders.
The other thing I frankly have a concern about is some of the recommendations that I'm looking at. Take for example LIB 1. If you look at an alternative set of Standing Orders to be used in extraordinary circumstances, I think we've heard clearly throughout the course of this study that we are currently in an extraordinary circumstance, but what would trigger a movement to a virtual Parliament or a hybrid Parliament—whatever you want to call it—at a later date? Who defines that? Who determines what that extraordinary circumstance might be?
Some of these recommendations are very broad in nature, and I don't know whether we want to get them to be more specific. These are the concerns that I have.
We're going to make a recommendation for when we're under extraordinary circumstances, but what constitutes an extraordinary circumstance? We know that this current crisis does. Does a flood? Does a famine? Does a war? Even in the scope of what we're discussing right now, I think perhaps this is another example of what could be pushed out to a later date or a later study, to find out what those triggers and mechanisms are because of the evidence that we heard.