Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
To the witness, thank you again for joining us. It's a pleasure to hear from you again.
This has actually been very helpful because you've identified how it actually worked. I think it's an improvement from what saw in the 2021 election.
Just to clarify.... Four by-elections were happening June. Mr. Chong was not a candidate in any of those by-elections. Once the mechanism went into place and information of misinformation was coming forth, because there was not an immediate threat to a current election happening, that was worked on in parallel. It was being monitored but being looked at in parallel while you were continuing to monitor the four active by-elections. You're confirming that there was no inference in those four by-elections. After the by-elections, the RRM was able to collate that information and analyze it properly to find out where it was from and so on and so forth. Then, once that was properly done, the RRM notified the person—in this case, MP Chong—as well as the necessary authorities.
Based on that information, would you say that it might be a good recommendation that constant monitoring—and I don't know if it would be by the RRM—occur outside of election periods? The reason I'm saying that is that we never know when an election will happen. We're in a minority Parliament. In the event that an election is called whenever, only then would the mechanism be triggered, but should we be looking outside the writ period and be actively monitoring for misinformation campaigns about sitting members of Parliament? Do you have any suggestions for us on that? If so, what would that look like, and what resources would be required?