I'm on the second page, at the top slide. I'll be going quite quickly through these, because we have a fair bit of material. Hopefully we can come back to discuss in more detail any one you're interested in.
As you're aware, the Canadian economy and labour market are very healthy right now. In fact, we reported on Friday that the unemployment rate is the lowest since 1974 and that the share of the Canadian population that is employed has never been higher. Combined, these indicators suggest that the current labour market is one of the best this country has ever seen.
What is behind this? As we will see, the west is booming, and central Canada is remaining remarkably resilient in the face of the impact of the high Canadian dollar on our manufacturers.
These strong economies, combined with the fact that the aging of the population is starting to constrain labour supply, has caused very low unemployment and rising wages. As workers we're not going to complain, but for employers who have been used to a labour surplus, the difficulty in finding workers—such as the difficulty Statistics Canada is experiencing right now with hiring people to conduct the census—is having an impact.
First, I'd like to say a few words about the labour force survey and how we determine its most important output, the official unemployment rate. The LFS is a monthly survey of 50,000 households. All adults in selected households are interviewed, so this amounts to over 100,000 interviews per month. It's a very large sample for this survey.
The LFS divides the population into three groups: the employed, the unemployed, and persons not in the labour force. “Not in the labour force” means they are outside the supply of labour.
The LFS has been around for over 60 years and follows international standards on the measurement of employment and unemployment. Our numbers are comparable to those of many countries, including the U.S.
The survey dates back to World War II. It was originally intended to monitor the reintegration of soldiers returning from World War II, but it serves a very broad purpose today. The data are used for monitoring economic progress, for conducting research into labour issues such as the research you are doing, and for program delivery of employment insurance funds.
LFS data are very timely. Results are published on the first Friday of every month, just two weeks after the data have been collected. The LFS data are very heavily used, in part because it's a rich data set with lots of content, but also because it goes back so far in history.
I'm on the third page now, with the upper slide. Before proceeding, I'd like to comment on a couple of key concepts you might find useful.
First, the labour force survey's employment measure counts employed people rather than jobs. A couple of consequences of that are that vacant jobs are not counted and that the main employment estimates count as one worker a person who holds two or three jobs. In other words, it's a measure based on the person. We do, however, have data on people who hold multiple jobs, either from the LFS or from other data sources, if that's a theme that interests you in the future.
Second, “unemployment” does not mean the number of people who are on employment insurance. Rather, the labour force survey asks people who are not employed whether they have looked for work in the past four weeks and whether they're available to work. People who say yes are counted as unemployed.
There are two situations in which there is no job search required to be counted as unemployed. One is the situation of people who are on temporary layoff, the other of people who have a new job due to start within the next four weeks. Basically, this measure of unemployment shows the unutilized supply of labour, and the unemployment rate is the share of the supply of labour that is unutilized.
Although it's a very telling measure, the unemployment rate is only one important labour market measure. For example, the unemployment rate can fall even though there are no new jobs being created. If, for instance, people withdraw from the labour market, other things remaining equal, the unemployment rate is going to fall. So it's important to keep an eye on other measures, such as the participation rate, which shows the total number of people who are in the labour supply.
The next chart shows the employment level since January 1976. Employment in Canada increased for a 13th consecutive year in 2005, which is the longest stretch of employment gains since the large-scale increases in the sixties and seventies. This growth so far has accelerated in 2006.
As a result of the increases, the share of the population 15 years and over who are working has hit a record high, reaching 63.2%. That was in May of this year.
The corresponding rate in the States is 63%, so we actually now have an employment rate in excess of the U.S. employment rate.
The top slide on the fourth page shows employment indexed back to January 1996. Labour markets all across the country are doing well, especially in Alberta and B.C., which have seen sustained employment growth. Compared to a year ago, employment is up 5.2% in Alberta and 3% in B.C., which has the fastest growth in the country. Alberta, without a doubt, has the strongest and tightest labour market on the continent--not just of all the provinces, but also of all the States.
While the west booms from the surge in prices for natural resources, the value of the Canadian dollar has gone up considerably. That, in turn, has entailed major declines in employment in Canada's factories. In fact, manufacturing has fallen 8% since the end of 2002, when the downward trend began. However, central Canada has remained remarkably resilient to the impact of these cuts. Employment in Ontario and Quebec has continued upwards, as other increases have offset the decline in manufacturing. In fact, in May there was a record surge in full-time employment in Ontario, but that's in the services sector. In Quebec the unemployment rate fell to 7.9%, the second lowest rate in 30 years.
The lower slide on page 4 shows the unemployment rate since 1974. Demand for labour is strong as the economy continues to improve. As a result, unemployment has fallen to lows not seen in a generation. In May the rate was 6.1%, the lowest since 1974.
It's not only strong demand for workers that is causing low unemployment; the baby boomers, the oldest of whom turn 60 this year, are starting to retire, and that's having an impact on the labour supply.
When the economy is as strong as it is and supply contracts, the unemployment rate naturally tumbles. In fact, if the trend continues, there will soon be fewer than one million unemployed Canadians, a level we haven't seen since the early 1980s, and the supply contraction associated with the baby boomers' retiring is only beginning.
Next is the top slide on page 5, on wages. With the labour market as I've described it, it will come as no surprise that wages are rising in Canada. Compared to a year ago, the average hourly wage is up 3.8%. Wages are increasing across the country, but in Alberta they are up 7.3%. Albertan employees are the best paid in the country; about six months ago, they actually surpassed Ontarians as the workers with the highest wages.
The next topic is labour shortages.
Much has been said about the hot economy and the consequential impact on unemployment and wages. Low unemployment by occupation is a key signal of shortages. When workers are hard to find, their unemployment rates naturally fall.
Using LFS data, one can see signs of shortages emerging in a number of areas. The lower chart on page 5 shows unemployment rates for occupations in which we've seen the lowest rates for 2005. The top two bars relate to the health sector; two of the other bars are highly skilled professional groups. The fifth one is contractors and supervisors in the trades and in transportation, and their low unemployment is related to the boom we've experienced in construction recently.
The top chart on page 6 shows population pyramids through time. I hinted earlier at some emerging challenges facing the Canadian labour market. As you know, the population is aging.
The baby-boomers, born between 1946 and 1965, were concentrated at the base of the pyramid in 1971. At the time, it was already clear that they were a very large group of individuals. In 1986, they were aged between 20 and 40, and in 2001, between 35 and 55. So we can therefore see how this group is aging.
In 2007, the baby-boomers — who will be between 50 and 70 - will remain the largest group of individuals in the Canadian population. They are more numerous than the generations coming after them, in spite of the increasingly significant attrition rate caused by death.
Of course, there are many implications to this.
First of all, it could constrain economic growth by reducing production. Second, the smaller replacement workforces coming behind the baby boomers will have to support baby boomers in their retirement and in their use of the health care system.
The bottom slide on page 6 shows the participation rate. It's a projection of participation rates to 2017. Only time will tell where the participation rate will be 12 years from now, but one thing is very clear: aging will put pressure on the share of the population engaged in the economy. In fact, the labour force participation rate may be back to where it was in the 1970s.
You see there two scenarios for the projection.
The first scenario in the chart works with a few simple assumptions. One is that the rates of participation will remain at the 2005 level; the population will grow at a moderate pace; and rates of institutionalization, hospitalization, and that sort of thing will remain at 2005 levels.
The second scenario assumes that the participation rate among older workers will increase until 2010 and then stabilize. You can see that it gives a slightly higher participation rate, but one thing is very clear: you can keep older workers in the workforce longer, but it just delays the inevitable. They retire now, they retire later, or eventually they pass away, but leave they must. Canada is not alone in this scenario. We may face increasing competition from other countries for the best and the brightest of international migrants.
To deal with worker shortages, several things can be looked at. Workplace solutions that can be envisaged are listed on the top slide on page 7. They include boosting the working age population, boosting productivity, boosting hours worked, and increasing labour force participation among certain key groups in which the participation rate is still low.
I direct you to the lower slide on page 7. As I mentioned earlier, the labour market in Alberta is the hottest in both Canada and the U.S. right now. With unemployment as low as it is, there are significant labour shortages in that province, so it's a good place to look at what's happening with labour mobility. Each quarter, Statistics Canada produces population estimates by province, and that's basically what you see there: the population estimates.
Alberta has shown the strongest population growth. That growth is likely associated with its booming economy. In the last quarter of 2005, the province's population jumped by 25,000 people. That rate is five times the national average.
Next is the top chart on page 8. The gains in Alberta come mainly from an influx from other provinces, so people are moving into Alberta from other provinces. In the last quarter of 2005, Alberta received a net increase of 17,000 persons from other parts of Canada. With such a powerful draw, seven of the 13 jurisdictions had a drop in population at the end of 2005. That 17,000 increase is an all-time high for net interprovincial migration into Alberta.
There's another survey at Statistics Canada called the workplace and employee survey. It sheds some light on other aspects of labour mobility. We know from the WES that Canadian employees are mobile. In 2002, about 76% of employees were in the same job for the same firm as they had been a year earlier, but that leaves 9% who had changed employers, another 9% who had left the workforce, and 6% who had moved to a new job with the same employer. There is some indication of mobility there.
Worker turnover is also relatively high in Canada. In fluid labour markets like those in Canada or the U.S., people can become unemployed, so we have a high turnover in terms of numbers of people losing their jobs--but hiring is also more common, so people in Canada are unemployed for shorter periods. A recent study by the OECD on long-term unemployment showed that 9.5% of Canada's unemployed were jobless for a year or more. That may seem high, but the average for the OECD countries as a whole was 32%, and in the U.S. the figure is 12.7%.
Next is the lower slide on page 8. It relates to older workers.
The median age of retirement fell dramatically in the past two decades. From the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, it hovered at around age 65. But in the late 1980s, it started dropping quickly and continued to do so until hitting a low of age 60.6 in 1997, and it has fluctuated around that level ever since. In 2005, the median age of retirement was 62.6 years for men and 60 for women. So it's a bit lower for women.
The top slide on page 9 shows the participation rate for older people. So even if a typical retirement age in Canada is around 60, there has been a sharp increase in the labour force participation rate among older people. That's a potential pool of additional labour down the road for dealing with shortages.
Around 31% of people 55 and over are active in the labour market. That's up from a low of 24% in 1996. Part of this is because of the entrance of the baby boomers into this age group. Effectively, they've made the older age group younger, because there's such a large number of them. However, economic conditions have also changed, and there are more opportunities now for older workers.
Another important point is that baby boomers are more highly educated than the generation that preceded them. That's a significant point, because there's a clear association between level of education and labour force participation. The better educated someone is, the longer he or she is likely to be active in the labour market.
The lower slide on page 9 shows labour productivity. It's a comparison between Canada and the U.S. It shows definitely that there's a gap.
There are differences in the way productivity is measured between Canada and the U.S., but there's a general sense that productivity trends can be compared between the two countries. So we certainly see in that chart a labour productivity gap between Canada and the U.S.
The top slide on page 10 deals with literacy. This is an international literacy survey in which Canada participated, which was conducted in 2003. It shows the distribution of the adult population by four broad literacy levels. The line across the chart is essentially the bottom of what's called “level three”. Level three is the level of literacy that's considered necessary to essentially function in a developed economy.
The proportion of Canadians who are above level three is actually quite good compared to other countries. What the slide doesn't show, though, is that there are differences between the Canadian population overall and recent immigrants in particular. Their literacy levels are quite lower, and that is actually an impediment to employment. Previous literacy surveys have also shown a relationship between literacy and earnings. So those are important issues, and there will be studies coming out in this area in the future.