Thank you, Chair.
I appear before you today as a representative from FETCO, which is an association that represents most of Canada's major airlines, courier companies, marine ports, railways, telecom firms and others in their capacity as employers.
FETCO members employ nearly two-thirds of all workers in the federally regulated private sector. Our members are overwhelmingly unionized, with decades of productive collective bargaining with most major private sector unions.
A lot has been said over the last few months related to Bill C-58, which will effectively ban the use of replacement workers during a work stoppage. Unfortunately, from our perspective, much of what has been said to date is simply not rooted in documented reality.
This debate needs to be focused on evidence. The literature proves two things clearly. Replacement worker bans result in more strikes and longer strikes. These bans incentivize strike activity and discourage collective bargaining.
Those most affected by replacement worker bans are everyday Canadians. When major employers like airlines, ports, railways and telecoms are shut down, supply chains break. Shipments are halted, packages are not delivered, passengers are stranded, Internet and cable services are shut down and banking stops. Canadians from coast to coast to coast are affected because the critical services provided by major federally regulated organizations are no longer possible.
To date, neither the government nor any union has presented a shred of documented evidence that demonstrates how this improves the collective bargaining process. In fact, the Minister of Labour reminds us that 96% of all bargaining in the federal private sector ends without a work stoppage.
While it is not perfect, the system is working. This bill is proposing to fix a problem that does not exist. This debate was settled 30 years ago in a comprehensive review of the Canada Labour Code. Balance exists. Nothing is gained, that can be demonstrably proven, from banning replacement workers. Government should not be introducing legislation that is sure to add instability to already vulnerable supply chains.
We need to set the record straight on what a replacement worker is. These are not scores of random people hired off the street. These are typically current employees of the company, such as managers, supervisors or contractors with whom the employer has a pre-existing relationship. These are temporary measures.
Replacement workers keep the lights on and provide a basic level of service until the strike ends. This is the collective bargaining system in action. It's not a flaw, but an actual design feature. When the strike ends, all unionized employees go back to work and temporary replacement workers leave.
What is sometimes hidden in this debate is the fact that a replacement worker ban gives very small bargaining units in large organizations an ability to shut down the entire organization. This can happen at an airline, an airport, a railway, a marine port or in telecom. The extended supply chain impacts can be extensive.
Federal elected officials have known for decades this is a bad idea. Though it has come up at least a dozen times in the past 15 years, it has always been rejected by parliamentarians. There's nothing in this bill or the process that led to it that makes it any different from past efforts.
Public policy should be based on documented facts. This is not that.
As employers, we live in the real world. We recognize, given that we are here today, that this bill seems to be getting traction with MPs. Our preference is that you reject this bill in its entirety, but if you're going to proceed, we sincerely urge you to amend it in several ways as specifically requested in our submission to you that we filed recently.
In short, first, this bill needs more flexibility as it relates to the use of contractors. The bill is too restrictive in this space. Let us not lose sight of the fact that contractors are workers, too, and many have long-lasting relationships with the organizations I represent.
Two, unionized employees who want to work should not be prohibited from doing so. If you agree that we live in an era of cost of living challenges, why would we take away anyone’s right to choose to go to work?
Three, exceptions to these rules must accommodate national economic interest or national economic security as they relate to both replacement workers and essential services. The current bar is simply too high. It includes threat to life, threat of destruction of property and threat of environmental disaster. These are apocalyptic-level exceptions.
Finally, dates related to these provisions should back up, we believe, to the notice of dispute rather than the notice to bargain.
Thank you, Chair. I'm sorry for going over.