Thank you. Those are all good questions.
On the political accord, it was something that was agreed to by the Assembly of First Nations, and I finally agreed to it as well. It was part of the negotiations in Jim Prentice's day, but I signed off on it as we came to the end of the task force work.
The political accord sets out the expectations of the Assembly of First Nations, the national chief, and me on the frequency of meetings and the ministerial commitment to follow through on decisions. Negotiations were started under Jim Prentice, but this is something I readily agreed to. It gives a level of comfort, I hope, to the Assembly of First Nations, in that it operates at the ministerial level. It's not just a departmental office or a wing of something. We want to make sure that the minister himself or herself is engaged in resolving issues surrounding claims.
It's a political commitment, a political accord. Because it's a political commitment, I would think that any minister who holds this job will want to follow through on it. To break this would be very unwise. Much goodwill has been established, and the political accord is more evidence of it. So it's a political commitment. It's not a piece of legislation, but it is an important document that goes right to the highest level of both first nations and the Government of Canada.
The other question, the philosophical question, is what can be done to take us away from the confrontational role that this presupposes? I think this will do three things. One is that we are committing more resources. The current commission, for example, is going to be transformed into a mediation role. It's going to change from simply accepting the claims as they come in and tallying them up in the pile. They've done a lot of good work, but it's going to change. Because of the tribunal, the role will change into a mediative one. That's an important role, and I hope they'll be able to bring parties together and move it along before it gets confrontational.
Overall, the biggest effect is the tribunal itself. The tribunal sets time limits, finally. So first nations will no longer have to take up claims they inherited, which is a frustrating process. It can get pretty nasty, after it's been going on for a generation. If it gets to a stage where you can't see your way to negotiation, or if three years have gone by, it can be sent at first nation discretion to the tribunal, to judges. It's no longer confrontational; the judges will actually make a ruling.
I think the fact that it's there and happening will take a lot of the sting out of it. Instead of a lifetime drag-out fight—and I think we've seen plenty of those in the past—it will encourage everyone to work together. We will all know we have a three-year limit, so we won't waste time. I think that in itself is going to be a great mediating element, a leavening, in the whole system.
The last thing I jotted down here is claims in the system. There is a need to have more resources, and this was one of the things that was identified, both in the Senate report and by the task force. More resources are necessary to make sure that we don't just transfer one backlog to another. Otherwise, I don't know how we can do it. You mentioned the three-year claim. It's at the discretion of the first nations. The first nations will have a choice. They'll be able to refer it to the tribunal if they think it's gone on long enough. It's at their discretion; it's not something the government will do.
I believe the minister can also agree to do it earlier. If first nations come to me and say it's already dragged on so long that they want to move it right to the tribunal, the minister has the ability to do that inside the three-year limit.
I would think some of those claims that have been in the system a long time would be prime candidates to get right in there so we wouldn't have to wait three years for our first claim.