Thank you.
Good morning. It's a pleasure to appear before your committee today.
As the leader of an aboriginal-owned chartered bank that primarily focuses on Inuit, Métis, and first nations customers across the country, I have significant experience on the topic being discussed today. I also bring with me the perspective of a person with close and ongoing relationships and connections to life on reserve. I was born on a reserve, and I have a significant portion of my family still living on the Waterhen Lake First Nation in northern Saskatchewan.
The problem with access to capital for aboriginal communities is really rooted in the history of failed intervention by non-aboriginal governments and the negative impact of Canada's aboriginal policy, which have sidelined economic development for aboriginal people. The results of these failed policies are ongoing challenges like the Indian Act, the lack of basic financial services to many people in remote and small first nations, and an undereducated and underemployed aboriginal population. But besides these aboriginal-specific issues, we also have to consider even the basic challenges faced by any Canadian small business, which are not unique to aboriginal people.
In our discussion, we'll address many of these complex issues, I'm sure. I'll focus my opening remarks on the need to focus on a broad spectrum of financing solutions to address the problem of access to capital for aboriginal people. I will also raise concerns about focusing on a panacea, a one-size-fits-all solution, and I will highlight the significant progress that I have seen through a few recent examples that we have been involved in.
To my first point, capital, although usually denominated in dollars, doesn't come in only one form. Capital markets have developed over many years and have designed forms of capital that address the needs of both lenders and borrowers. Capital is designed to meet the purposes for which it is being used. Structuring a capital transaction must consider critical issues like the capacity of the borrower to service the debt and the need to track and monitor repayment.
The cost of capital is a factor that is very much dependent on all these issues. Simple yet fundamental issues, such as the terms of the debt matching the life of the asset being purchased, are critical. That's why you don't see car loans amortized over 30 years, and why you typically don't see public infrastructure debt for water and sewers financed over five years. The useful life of the assets being purchased needs to be a close match to the term of the loan.
What does this mean for aboriginal people? Well, for too many years, the only form of capital to finance anything, from infrastructure to economic development, was transfers from other governments. Aboriginal people lost the capacity to raise their own capital, and everything they financed was subject to the priorities and timelines of other governments.
Before the mid-1980s, even when financing business development, whether community-owned or individually owned, the only source of capital was typically government grants or government-managed borrowing. For example, in Saskatchewan in the early 1980s, the federal government ran a first nations economic development loan and grant program. Loans typically were being made for political purposes instead of business purposes by bureaucrats with no knowledge of the community's priorities. With no support services for these growing small businesses, the loan loss ratio for this program was 80%. Eighty cents of every dollar loaned was written off and never repaid, and few sustainable businesses were developed.
Then the first nations of Saskatchewan created the Saskatchewan Indian Equity Foundation, the first aboriginal capital corporation and a member of NACCA, and they sought to turn around the experience. They were armed with community knowledge, a sense of ownership of the fund, and some business support services for the entrepreneur. They turned around the program and achieved a loan loss ratio of 1.5% by the early 1990s. I am sure my colleagues at NACCA will explain further in the questions and answers some of the successes of the aboriginal capital corporations.
Leading from the creation of these aboriginal capital corporations, aboriginal-focused financial institutions, such as the First Nations Bank, a federally regulated, tax-paying chartered bank, and the Peace Hills Trust, a federally regulated, tax-paying trust company, were created. Both of these organizations focused on commercial lending for the growing aboriginal sector of the economy, and soon other mainstream chartered banks started to concentrate on the growing aboriginal business sector. Today, a very competitive environment exists to meet the commercial banking needs of the aboriginal economy.
As larger aboriginal business ventures started to grow and develop, many also started to use a variety of financing options, including structured debt, financing through bonds, share capital, both private and public, and complex business structures with non-aboriginal partners and investors. While it's still developing and is not nearly as advanced as other sectors of the economy, we are starting to see a much healthier continuum of capital structures that are providing the right capital in the right form, and at the right price and conditions, to meet the needs of the aboriginal communities.
My second point is a warning that some financing options have somehow become a panacea to address all problems in all situations for aboriginal people, and the fundamental realities of financing and the continuum of financing options required have been forgotten.
For example, the First Nations Fiscal Management Act was created to enable first nations of Canada that have government-like sources of revenue from taxation, royalties, or land leases to leverage these government-like revenues with long-term bond financing for infrastructure. The institutions created by the First Nations Fiscal Management Act were developed to address this issue, and I still firmly believe that these institutions, which were designed to help leverage government-like revenue into government-like financing, are needed and are an important part of the financing continuum I noted in my first point.
However, sometime after the First Nations Fiscal Management Act institutions were created, their mandate was expanded, and they are now aggressively attempting to lump all other revenues, including revenue from business enterprises owned by first nations, into their lending models. These other revenues are often not government-like revenues, and the FNFA indicates that they can include everything from first nations' interests in forestry, oil and gas, and hydro, to convenience stores, hotels, and gaming operations.
The FNFA, with the support of Canada, is effectively institutionalizing commercial borrowing of its member first nations for commercial purposes, with the support of Government of Canada grants and contributions. While the objective of the FNFA was originally to securitize government-like revenue, in fact most of the revenue used to leverage its first bond issue was commercial revenue. Also, much of the amount borrowed was used to repay existing debt with commercial banks, not to finance new projects that were unable to attract capital.
The FNFA also is quoted as saying at this and other committees that some of its members saved large amounts of money by borrowing through FNFA, and in one example it claimed that a first nation is “saving $140,000 per month” in debt service through using FNFA borrowings. When you look more closely at this and do the math, you'll see that the savings are mostly due to the fact that the community refinanced existing loans with amortization periods of over 5 and 10 years with the loan from the FNFA, which was amortized over 30 years. In fact, most of the savings come from a reduction in principal paid in any given year.
One further problem in this example is that while the loan is being amortized over 30 years, the interest rate on the bond from the FNFA is set for only 10 years. If in 10 years interest rates are higher than the current all-time lows, there will be a significant amount of principal still to repay at a much higher interest rate. In fact, in amortizing a loan over a much longer period, the true debt service costs, which are the interest you pay, are actually much greater.
What the FNFA is proposing by lumping government revenues with commercial revenues for borrowing purposes is like a for-profit commercial business teaming up with a province or a city to float a 30-year bond. This simply is not done in any other sector of the economy. The danger in this amalgamation is also that the underlying risk of all the entities grouped together in one bond issue is not reflected in the borrowing rate, the term of the loan, or the conditions of the loan. The default risk of some of the participants in the pool is much greater than that of others. With the FNFA borrowers having joint and several liability for the bond, the good credit in the pool may end up paying for the bad.
If defaults happen in the FNFA borrowing pool, two things will occur. First, it will become infinitely more difficult for even the best-rated first nations credit to get bond financing. Second, everyone who ends up carrying the cost of losses in the pool is going to look for someone to blame, and the federal government, without any independent advice from financing experts and with many warnings from bankers like me, will end up being in the middle of that cleanup. This will make it infinitely harder to get federal government participation in any future financing for aboriginal economic development.
Lastly, I want to advise the committee that when it comes to financing commercial enterprises of aboriginal communities by commercial banks, a lot is being done, and institutionalizing all first nations financial services is not a good idea. Our bank was created to address a niche in the market for a bank that was focused on aboriginal communities. A vast majority of our shareholders are aboriginal organizations, and a vast majority of the loans, deposits, and cash management services we provide are in the aboriginal market. While I think we have an advantage because of our focus and ownership, other banks now are very competitive in serving this market, and most banks have teams that are also focused on this market and are now providing a much better level of service to aboriginal customers.
There are also many large and successful first nations commercial developments that have independently raised, properly priced, and structured bond financing. ln the last two years I have personally been involved in three large-bond structured finance deals: one for a first nations purchase of an interest in a hydro dam project, one for a hydro transmission line owned 25% by a first nations group, and one for a hotel gaming facility.
These developments attracted institutional financing at rates sometimes lower than the rate the FNFA is offering on their bond and for terms of 25, 15, and 8 years. In all those circumstances, the rates, the terms, and the conditions of these three developments were competitively quoted by institutional investors and banks, based on the underlying business and the conditions required to protect the bondholders and the first nations borrowers.
I hope my presentation was helpful, and I hope the recommendations of this committee take a balanced and informed approach on this issue that won't create new and larger problems for the future social and economic advancement of aboriginal people.
I look forward to your questions.