[Witness spoke in Anishinabe as follows:]
Aanii Boozhoo biiwaaneg indizhinikaaz migizii nindoodem baawatig nindoonjibaa metis anishinaabe
[Anishinabe text translated as follows:]
Hello and how are you? My name is Fire Rock. I belong to the Bald Eagle clans. I am from the rapids, Sault Ste. Marie. I’m a Metis indigenous person.
[English]
My name is Justin Marchand. My spirit name is Firerock. I am Métis, the CEO of Ontario Aboriginal Housing Services and chair of the indigenous caucus. I pray that all our grandmothers, grandfathers, spirits, manitou and Gitchi Manitou be with us all for this important discussion. I humbly pray the words I speak may not be my own but those of gezhemanidoo, my own all-loving great spirit.
Meegwetch for the invitation to appear before this committee. I would like to acknowledge all the members who are on this committee. I believe this committee is open to hearing the truth. I am asking this committee to use its influence to convey to the Government of Canada the importance of supporting an URN strategy in a more meaningful way.
We see yesterday's budget choice as a tiny step for indigenous people living in urban, rural and northern areas. It is not truly reflective of the housing crisis. It is disappointing that these so-called new investments are being paid for on the backs of indigenous people who are living through a precipitous and continued cut to urban native housing programs across Canada by this government.
We do not need more tiny steps. We need a big, bold step, both for indigenous people and for Canadians. A continued solely distinctions-based policy is a continued colonial construct that seeks to purposely divide, exclude, assimilate and institutionalize a collective memory loss of some of the richest, most valuable cultures in the world. These colonial constructs are designed to create intentional exclusionary policies that affect the lives of so many indigenous people.
Indigenous people living in urban, rural and northern areas are treated differently than other people. It is admirable and right that Canada wants to call out human rights abuses, including those based on race, culture and gender, in other countries. That is why it is so terribly confusing that Canada continues policy choices that exclude some people based on race, culture and gender right here. It is a system that is perfectly designed for the outcomes it gets, and the housing outcomes for indigenous people living in urban, rural and northern areas are appalling.
How do we know this awful situation is true? Canada knows this is true and knows these are the facts because this is Canada's own data. Over 80% of indigenous people are living in urban, rural and northern areas. Indigenous people are 11 times more likely to experience homelessness. Indigenous mother-led households have an incidence of need that is twice that of non-indigenous mother-led households, and all indigenous people in urban, rural and northern areas have an incidence of core housing need that is 52% higher than that of all Canadians.
Canada also knows that nearly half of the women in jail and almost half of all children in care are first nations, despite being only 3% of the total population. When indigenous people are exited from government institutions, where do they go? Overwhelmingly, they go to urban, rural and northern areas, and often without a safe housing option.
Canada knows that the report on the missing and murdered indigenous women and girls mentioned housing 299 times, the lack of housing being a significant contributing cause to violence, and the provision of housing being a fundamental solution to end violence against women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people.
Canada knows because the HUMA committee asked the Parliamentary Budget Officer for advice. The PBO provided that advice last year, and the multi-party committee unanimously agreed that a solution for indigenous people by indigenous people living in urban, rural and northern areas was necessary. The national housing council this year strongly communicated the same truths from indigenous people. Yet, again, Canada has chosen not to boldly embrace the truth as told by its own statisticians, its own HUMA committee, its own Parliamentary Budget Officer and its own national housing council.
Using the PBO's estimates, yesterday's budget might address 1.09% of the issue. Using CMHC's updated data, the federal budget might address 0.70% of the issue over the next five long years. In the meantime, we'll continue to pick up the dead bodies of indigenous people off Canada's streets.
So what should Canada do and what is the solution? Canada should accept the advice it asked for from its own institutions, its own officials, its own commissions, and Canada should accept the offer of help from indigenous people, who are willing to do the hard work for indigenous people and rectify the issues being created by Canada's past and current choices.
Canada must immediately make a choice to be intentionally inclusive, starting with the allocation of resources as recommended by the Parliamentary Budget Officer. Canada must take a decolonized approach to delivery and utilize the 50-plus years of experience of numerous urban indigenous service providers across this land. Finally, Canada must be brave enough to care about all indigenous people, regardless of their geographic location.
While distinctions-based strategies are absolutely important and are underfunded, we need a distinct urban, rural and northern solution for indigenous people who are consistently not served—