—then let me tell you why.
First of all, the site-blocking regimes around the world have proved to be effective and to work. Some of the detractors of it oppose site blocking before fair play and say, “Let's have courts do it.” Then they show up before this committee and say, “No, let's not have courts do it.” Therefore, what's the effect? They say, “Let's just leave it.”
When we come to site-blocking orders, although I believe the equitable jurisdiction does exist in the courts, there are questions of public policy that are for Parliament to really flesh out. Let me give you some examples.
There are going to be questions about what type of sites should be blocked. Should they be primarily infringing, or should they be something else? What factors should the court take into account when deciding to make an order? Who should bear the cost of site-blocking orders? What method should be ordered to be used for site blocking? Then, how do we deal with the inevitable attempts to circumvent these orders, which, by the way, courts have said don't undermine their effectiveness?
I believe those questions are fundamental ones for Parliament. Courts can make them up, but we might end up with one or two trips to the Supreme Court and with rights holders and users spending a ton of money.
Australia enacted specific legislation. Singapore enacted specific legislation. The EU has it through all member states. Why? That's because they recognize it's the most effective way to deal with foreign sites that disseminate piracy, and because they want to establish criteria as to what the proper framework is.
We need that framework. Courts can make it up, but there are going to be debates and they may not end up where Parliament would end up. That's why Parliament should deal with it.