Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on May 1st, 2007

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Good morning, ladies and gentlemen.

I call this meeting of the Subcommittee on International Human Rights of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development to order. We are pursuing our study on human rights in Cuba. Last year, some representatives of the Christian Labour Association of Canada and the Forum of the Americas came to testify on this issue.

Today, our witnesses represent the Cuban Canadian Foundation, the Social Democrat Party of Cuba, Cuba-Nouvelles, the Table de concertation de solidarité Québec-Cuba and the Caravane d'amitié Québec-Cuba.

We welcome all of our witnesses. Because we have so many on our panel today, I'll ask you to be relatively brief in your opening statements. That will give opportunities for the members of the subcommittee to pose questions. Our normal practice is to listen to the witnesses in the order in which you are listed on the agenda.

I invite the representatives of the Cuban Canadian Foundation to begin.

Mr. Taylor Sol or Mr. Sablon.

[Nelson Taylor Sol, Director, Ottawa Delegation, Cuban Canadian Foundation]

Good morning.

Canada's foreign policy in Cuba is based on constructive engagement. According to the Canadian International Development Agency, Cuba's social policies set it apart from many other developing countries. Public investments in education and health, for example, have resulted in social development indicators that meet and even surpass those in some developed countries--that is according to CIDA.

Historically, the Cuban regime has counted on the support of many sectors of the international community. For the world to understand what has been going on in Cuba for over 48 years, certain definitions must be clarified.

Firstly, a government with a totalitarian control on society and individuals is unaccountable by nature.

Secondly, the assumption that human rights are tailored on a cultural basis has served dictators in getting away with human rights violations that are otherwise inadmissible in the so-called western world.

Thirdly, and no less important, is the fact that anti-Americanism has been conveniently exploited by dictators like Fidel Castro, who has capitalized on this sentiment, therefore paralyzing opinion makers and political parties, on the doctrine that whatever goes against the United States has to be automatically supported. Sadly enough, some movements have found an identity based on anti-Americanism, making it difficult for them to empathize with the suffering of countries like Cuba.

Some comparisons between present-day Cuba and that of 50 years ago may be useful in order to clarify certain prejudices. During the Batista dictatorship, there were 11 prisons in Cuba; now there are over 300.

According to a report presented on May 11, 2004, by the illegal Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation, starting in 1956, the total number of prisoners in Cuba was less than 4,000, or around 0.06% of the country's population.

Please note that in May 1955, former dictator Batista signed the general amnesty for political prisoners, including those serving time for killing soldiers, in clear reference to Fidel Castro and his group during the attack of the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba.

Now it is estimated that there are over 100,000 prisoners in Cuba, by far the highest in the world in terms of percentage, with around 1% of the total population of 11 million. This figure has been neither accepted nor denied by Cuban authorities, who forbid cooperation with the International Red Cross.

According to Dr. Armando Lago, board vice-president of the Free Society Project and Cuba Archive research director, Ph.D., and master in economics from Harvard University, to date over 8,200 cases have been documented of executions, assassinations, and disappearances by the Castro regime. Total deaths from exit attempts by sea, called balseros, are estimated at around 78,000. Within the documented cases are 94 children's deaths, including 22 by firing squad executions, 32 extrajudicial assassinations, and 24 assassinated in exit attempts. There are similar cases of female deaths, totalling 216.

The following are some of the myths about Cuba, which have become deeply rooted in public opinion.

Myth number one, there is a U.S. blockade on Cuba.

In reality, between 2001 and March 2004, under the United States Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancements Act, the value of authorized agricultural food products exported to Cuba was $518,216,553. It is estimated that Cubans in the U.S. send $1 billion U.S. a year in remittances to Cuba. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce, one-third of the island's food and one-third of the island's medicine originates in the United States. The 2006 exports to Cuba totalled $347.8 million U.S.

Myth number two, living conditions of the Cuban populace prior to Castro's arrival to power were appalling.

In reality, Cuba is one of the countries of Latin America where the standard of living of the masses was particularly high; this is according to a Cuban communist leader called Anibal Escalante, in the July 30, 1961, issue of Verde Oliva Magazine.

In health, Cuba 's mortality rate was 5.8 people per 1,000 inhabitants, making it among the lowest in the world, while its infant mortality rate of 36.6 per 1,000 was similarly the lowest in Latin America, far ahead of the second-ranked country.

Cuba ranked second in Latin America in the percentage of its labour force covered by social security insurance against old age, disability, and death, with 62.6% of the workforce insured.

The Cuban republic prior to Castro's revolution provided an eight-hour work day, the right to strike, university autonomy, and had a public space with large numbers of newspapers and radio stations with diverse political and ideological viewpoints.

Today the average salary is $15 Canadian a month, 70% of the population have never known any leader other than Fidel Castro, and 20% of the Cubans live in exile.

Myth number three, illiteracy was extremely high in Cuba until the arrival of Fidel Castro.

In reality, according to a 1953 Cuban census, out of 4,376,529 inhabitants aged 10 years or older, 23.6% were illiterate, a percentage lower than all other Latin American countries except Argentina, Chile, and Costa Rica. Factoring only the population 15 years of age or older, the rate has lowered to 22%.

Myth number seven, Cuba's health care system is universal and egalitarian for all Cubans.

In reality, according to the Pan American Health Organization, the Cuban government currently devotes a smaller percentage of its budget to health care than such regional countries as Nicaragua, Argentina, Venezuela, Chile, and Costa Rica. The Pan American Health Organization finds that Cuba, in terms of per capita expenditures on health care, is behind such regional countries as Argentina, Bahamas, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Chile, Costa Rica, and Jamaica.

Turning to health care in Cuba, medical apartheid, and health tourism, Cuba's growing health care tourism effort has roused bitter reproach from the nation's critics, who accuse the regime of Fidel Castro of creating an apartheid system of health care in which foreigners and the Cuban party elite get top-class service while average Cubans must make it with dilapidated facilities, outdated equipment, and meagrely stocked pharmacies. These greatly contrast with Cuban elite hospitals promoted by such health tourism enterprises as SERVIMED.

Hilda Molina, one of Cuba 's most noted scientists, founder and former director of Havana's International Center for Neurological Restoration, broke with the regime and resigned from her high-level position, and also as a member of Cuba's National Assembly, to protest the system of medical apartheid.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Mr. Taylor Sol, could you start wrapping up? We have many witnesses we want to hear.

[Nelson Taylor Sol]

Okay. I will end up with my impressions.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

You'll have a chance to address other issues in questions, but go ahead and just wrap up.

[Nelson Taylor Sol]

Canada's economic relations with Fidel Castro's regime have served to perpetuate the repressive apparatus. The unaccountable nature of the system allows Fidel Castro's inner circle to amass millions of dollars while Cubans are subjected to slavery. Canadian companies like Sherritt International profit from nickel and oil prospects, paying payroll costs in hard currency directly to the Cuban government, which in exchange pays a fraction equivalent to less than 5% in Cuban pesos to those workers.

The Cuban regime, Sherritt International, and the like are the sole winners of so-called constructive engagement, at times disguised as the best way of helping Cubans access advanced technology and fringe benefits. The truth is that as long as this continues, Cuban authorities will see no reason to grant the liberties Cubans deserve. On the contrary, it delivers the message that human rights are a joke and matter solely for propagandistic purposes, and that not even legitimate democracies care about the dissidents' lonely and courageous struggle for freedom.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Thank you very much.

Committee members, several of the written presentations came in too late for translation, including Mr. Taylor Sol's. The clerk will have them translated and distributed.

All of your testimony and your written submission will be available to members, Mr. Taylor Sol.

I now give the floor to Mr. Asdrubal Caner-Camejo of the Social Democrat Party of Cuba.

[Asdrubal Caner Camejo, Social Democrat Party of Cuba]

Thank you.

I hope everybody has my report, the list of the political prisoners, and the list of the prisoners of conscience. I have the reproduction of the condition of the cell for Dr. Biscet here. And here is the list of the prisoners of consciousness who have acute and great problems of health; these are the conditions. It was reproduced for the wife of Dr. Biscet.

It's impossible for me to—

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

I wanted to be sure, but we do have the written material.

[Asdrubal Caner Camejo]

Yes.

I cannot read all the report because it is long, but I will focus on some aspects that I would like the subcommittee to know.

You have all the information. I will speak in Spanish and this gentleman will translate the points I will touch upon.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Please proceed.

[Asdrubal Caner Camejo, Interpretation]

Dear members of this subcommittee, I would like to thank you very much for having me here as a guest to testify. I'm a representative of the Cuban Social Democratic Party, and I have a letter of credentials signed by Mr. Vladimiro Roca.

My party is the party of Vladimiro Roca, who was a well-known prisoner of conscience at one time. As a matter of fact, he was a member of the Group of Four. In relation to this, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien in 1998 requested that he be released. Unfortunately, Fidel Castro did nothing about it until the bitter end.

As social democrats, we would like to work with all Canadian parties in a democratic and peaceful manner. I would like to address four issues concerning Cuba in relation to human rights and the violation of human rights. Following that, I will give you my assessment of the situation.

I will first talk about the day-to-day situation of inmates, and in particular the situation or plight of the prisoners of conscience.

Second, I'll talk about the 29 Cuban journalists who have been imprisoned for no reason whatsoever.

Third, I'll talk about the re-emergence of racial discrimination in Cuba, particularly in relation to the 90,000 black Cubans who are currently imprisoned.

Finally, I'll talk about the health status of 57 prisoners of conscience.

So you have a list. It includes the names of the inmates, the sentences they received, the names of the prisons, and where the prisons are located. All in all, there are 300 prisoners.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Could I interrupt? Mr. Caner Camejo, are you essentially reading in Spanish this written submission?

[Asdrubal Caner Camejo]

Yes. I will make some points.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

I was just thinking that with the translation, you're taking twice as much time. I'd like to accommodate that, to some extent, but perhaps your translator could read this in English or French on your behalf, to reduce the time. That way we can get more of your testimony in before I have to cut you off. Is that all right?

[Asdrubal Caner Camejo]

Yes, that's all right.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

If you hear something you want to add, we'll let you jump in.

Is that all right with the translator? Why don't you go ahead?

[Asdrubal Caner Camejo]

In relation to point number one, Cuba's political prisoners, I have here a list of names, sentences, prisoners, and the prisons where our Cuban political prisoners are located. Regrettably, they are subjected to all manner of mistreatment in prison. This includes being beaten up, punished, harassed, or even killed. The political prisoners I speak of are prevented from receiving food and medical care; denied contact and visits from their family; forced to be naked in front of the general prison population; denied access to medicine, even if brought by the families; kept away from the sun for prolonged periods of time, as much as one month at a time; and they're also locked in punishment cells and generally held in cells that are overpopulated by common criminals.

This mistreatment drives some prisoners of conscience to attempt suicide. Some succeed by hanging themselves or cutting their veins. As the political prisoners are in cells with common criminals, they face continuous acts of violence among inmates generally and against them also. This is a humiliating situation for them because the Cuban government does not recognize their political affiliation and treats them as common criminals. The material and sanitary conditions within the 300 prisons are abominable and would be abhorrent for any human being. I have brought you a replica of a punishment cell. The authorities keep political prisoners for between 6 to 12 months in this kind of cell, with the purpose of destroying their will and demoralizing them.

This degrading mistreatment is not only for men. There are 79 women's prisons in the country, where the same injustices are done to female political prisoners. For example, the political prisoner Maria de los Angeles Borrego, who is serving a four-year sentence in the Manto Negro women's prison in Havana, claims that prison authorities have neglected her repeated cries for medical attention. Female political prisoners are beaten by common criminals in women's prisons and humiliated by prison authorities.

I want to draw your attention to the 78 prisoners of conscience, and particularly to senior citizens who have spent several years in prisons and have grave, serious health problems. I have attached to my report a partial list of these prisoners. Among those whom I wish to draw your attention to are Nelson Aguiar Ramirez, 61 years of age; Pedro Pablo Alvarez Ramos, 59; Julio Cesar Galvez, 62; Francisco Chaviano Gonzalez; Arnaldo Ramos Lauzerique, who is 65; Omar Pernet Hernandez, 61; and Omar Moises Ruiz, 59. All of these people have been sentenced to between 13 to 26 years in prison. They have acute health problems that have been exacerbated by the Cuban authorities and by spending several years under wretched prison conditions.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Again, I'm sorry, but there's a time pressure. I know you have three other sections to cover. Perhaps you could just take one key paragraph from each of those sections and then go to the conclusion.

[Ronald Silvester, Interpreter, As an Individual]

Maybe I should ask Mr. Caner Camejo which would be the key--

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

I'm just trying to be fair.

[Asdrubal Caner-Camejo]

Point number two would be that 29 Cuban journalists are incarcerated for no reason.

Cuba continues to be one of the world's leading jailers of journalists, second only to China, with 29 independent journalists currently in prison. Of these, 22 were jailed in a crackdown in March of 2003. Some also have had severe health problems. I bring with me a list of these journalists, whose only crime, so to speak, was to inform the public about the real situation in Cuba.

The repression is not only against journalists but their families as well. The wife of an independent journalist was fired from her job after being declared “politically unreliable”. Yolanda Álvarez, the wife of independent journalist Alejandro Tur, worked as an attendant in the bathrooms of “El Rápido” shopping centre in Cienfuegos. The shopping centre is owned and operated by the government under its corporate name CIMEX.

Now we go on to the Internet, still in point number two.

With less than 2% of its population online, Cuba is one of the most backward countries with respect to the Internet. An investigation carried out by Reporters without Borders in October revealed that the Cuban government uses several techniques to ensure that this medium is not used in a “counter-revolutionary” way.

We'll go on to point number three now, the re-emergence of racial discrimination in Cuba and the 90,000 black Cubans presently in jail.

The Republican era was very difficult for black people in Cuba. Following the infamous American intervention of 1898, a racial discrimination model was established that deeply affects that segment of our population. But this segment of the population continues to be the least prepared and the most vulnerable in Cuba.

In exchange for improving their lives, Fidel Castro wants absolute fidelity and submission from black Cubans. They were the main force of the Cuban army deployed in Angola, Ethiopia, Somalia, Congo, and other parts of Africa. Thousands of black Cubans died in countless wars around the world. They remain the main force of the Cuban army and police force. The regime is using black people in the quick-response brigade against other parts of the population.

The authorities sent hundreds of members of the black police force to Havana to contain the popular people protests in the capital. They are using extreme force against protesters, black and white, including repression against young black people from Havana.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Excuse me. Can we just go to the conclusion and wrap up?

[Asdrubal Caner Camejo]

Cuba needs Canada in the future. we're extremely vulnerable to the United States and other superpowers. We want free trade with the entire world and not only with one market. Our sovereignty is the most important issue for us. We are in extreme need of a balance.

I know some Canadians believe that close ties between the United States and Cuba will end the economic, commercial, and political ties between Canada and Cuba. This is incorrect. I hope, as do all Cubans, that fair trade may exist with Spain, Canada, China, Brazil, Germany, Holland, Mexico, Italy, and the United States, as well as other countries. That would be in the best interests of a free and democratic Cuban society.

Thank you very much. I'm grateful to you for having listened to me regarding these matters.

[The Chair, Conservative, Jason Kenney]

Thank you.

I apologize to both Mr. Caner Camejo and his translator.