With regard to the first question, as you probably know, President Chávez has created these so-calledmisiones, or missions, in many areas--education, health, literacy, food, you name it. In those missions, the low ranks of the military play a very key role. It's a way of in fact making them closer to the population, making them closer to the social problems. That's something that's been on the table for a long time, how to close the gap between the military and society, and I think probably President Chávez thought it was a good and positive way to do it.
I have no objections whatsoever to that close link between civil society and the military, because I think that's in favour of democracy. However, there's another side to it that is risky--namely, when you start giving weapons to civilians who are not controlled, who are not part of the organization of the state. Our Constitution is very clear. We have four branches. And now we have a fifth branch that is not part of the Constitution and that is only accountable to President Chávez directly.
In the last military parade that took place, on April 19, a civilian celebration of our 200 years of independence, the main official celebration was a military parade in which 30,000 civilians were in the parade and wearing weapons. That was very shocking for the population. In fact, the former director of public security for catástrofes--I never know how to say it, sorry—made a statement of criticism right after that parade, because it was very shocking for many military to see their colleagues, or their former colleagues, marching and shouting slogans in favour of the revolution, in favour of socialism, and behind them also seeing these 30,000 civilians marching with weapons that belong to the state and therefore to us; they were not a particular group identified with a political project.
With regard to the issue of Colombia, it is, as you probably know, almost the last resort of many governments who are losing popularity to invent a foreign enemy. Fujimori did it. The military junta in Argentina did it. There are many examples of people trying to use fictitious foreign enemies to try to pull the country together. Fortunately for Venezuela--fortunately for our peace--Chávez has been unable to put in motion that resort. People are not willing to go to war with Colombia. We all have people and family in Colombia; my grandmother was from Colombia.
A few days after he started that last year, when he ordered the minister of defence to move I don't know how many people to the border.... They never arrived, by the way, thank goodness. All the comments you heard on the radio were the same: we don't want a confrontation with Colombia, we're brothers, we're sisters, we don't need this.
It was very different from the reaction in Venezuela during the Malvinas/Falklands crisis, when everybody was against the United States, everybody was against the United Kingdom. It was very different from the Caldas crisis we had many years ago, when the vessel Caldas from Colombia entered into what we considered to be our national sea. That created a big confrontation and had people shouting in the streets and making very aggressive statements on radio and television. That didn't happen this time.