Thank you very much for the invitation. I'm sorry I can't be with you in person, because I normally relish the opportunity at this moment to leave Donald Trump's America to travel to some of the more civilized parts of the planet, but we're at the end of the academic quarter here, so I'm glad that we can connect via teleconferencing.
I'd like to highlight some aspects of the statement that I circulated in advance, which I think is very germane to the concerns of the committee, but let me say something about the analytical approach that I take in my written statement and my presentation.
The analytical approach that I adopt is sort of a simple one. It's an approach that I adopt in regard to all human rights crises and all attempts to support human rights in other countries. It's an approach which demands at the beginning that we be good listeners, that we don't presuppose to know what the best strategies are and what the best solutions are to support the work of human rights activists in other societies.
In other words, the analytical approach that I take to the question of human rights in Iran is that we should listen and be guided by the courageous work of human rights defenders in Iran who are on the front line of the struggle, who are living in very difficult circumstances and I think have a lot to share with us in terms of what they want from the international community—what they want from Canada—rather than us presupposing in advance that we know what is best for them.
I've studied actually quite closely the writings and statements of many of these human rights defenders. I've interviewed some of them. There is, I think, a broad consensus among many of these human rights defenders within Iran today in terms of what they want from the international community and Canada in particular. I think these broad guidelines—or, if you will, red lines—should be respected. At a minimum, I think they should inform policy debate and deliberations in Canada with respect to the question of human rights.
I think the first broad consensus that exists among most human rights defenders in Iran is that they appreciate and deeply value having a global spotlight directed at Iran's human rights record. They support the naming, shaming and sanctioning of individuals who are directly involved in human rights abuses.
I've heard recently there's some debate in Canada criticizing the Canadian position for excessively focusing on human rights in Iran but not on other countries in the region that have deplorable human rights records, in some cases, worse than Iran's. I think the response to that criticism is that Canada shouldn't roll back its criticism of Iran's human rights abuses but should actually elevate its criticism of other human rights abuses in other countries, many of which we have very close relations with. I think it would be a sad day and human rights activists within Iran would be very disappointed if Canada withdrew its global spotlight on what's happening to them and to other human rights defenders in Iran today.
The second broad point that I think most human rights defenders in Iran strongly support is widespread opposition to and rejection of war, foreign-based regime change policies and the military adventurism by the United States and its regional allies, in other words, a strong repudiation of the Trump-Bolton policy toward Iran, which seems that it's leading us to war today.
The New York Times last night published a report that the United States is considering sending 120,000 troops to the Persian Gulf region. There are increasing hostility and rhetoric on both sides. There's been the recent sabotage of commercial ships in the Gulf region. Iran has threatened to restart its uranium production if it doesn't get sanction relief from Europe. Europe has rejected that ultimatum.
It looks like we are witnessing the slow and steady spiral to another war in the Middle East, with echoes from 2003. This clearly would be a calamity for human rights not just in Iran but throughout the broader Middle East. I think human rights activists in Iran strongly and overwhelmingly oppose these political trends and recoil in horror at the prospects of another confrontation or a possible U.S.-Iran war.
The third point that I think represents a broad consensus among human rights defenders is opposition to broad-based economic sanctions that affect the average Iranian citizen. Targeted sanctions directed at abusers of human rights and high regime officials with blood on their hands are generally welcomed by Iranian human rights defenders.
With respect to sanctions as a result of Trump's new hawkish policy, the effects on Iran's economy are predictable and catastrophic: rising inflation, rising unemployment, a lot of defeat and despair. The IMF is predicting that Iran's economy next year will contract by 6%.
These sanctions are driving millions of Iranian citizens into poverty and have significantly impacted the average person's access to medicine and health care. Let's be clear: It's the average Iranian citizen, not the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps that have been most directly affected by these new U.S. sanctions.
The focus and activity in Iran today among, for example, Iran's sizable youth population, which yearns for political change, is not on mobilizing to resist the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, but rather, in light of these new economic sanctions, on survival, economic survival, and, if possible, immigration.
The fourth point is I think there is broad support among Iranian human rights defenders for the Iranian nuclear accord, the JCPOA, because it averts and reduces the prospects of war. It removes economic sanctions and opens Iran up to the international community. In other words, I think there is strong support for diplomacy, because diplomacy could resolve tension and bring Iran into the international community, which could then open the door to more political possibilities for advancing democratic and human rights activism in Iran.
The fifth point is there is a broad consensus among Iranian human rights activists that a non-violent strategy is the only way to improve the human rights crisis in Iran. This will require patience. It's a long-term approach to advancing human rights and democracy. There are no quick fixes. Stated differently, the struggle for human rights and democracy in Iran is a marathon, not a sprint.
There is a lot of understandable frustration among Iranians at the state of politics today, the state of human rights. There's a lot of desire for rapid political change. However, if you're committed to a strategy of non-violent resistance, one has to be committed to the long haul. All alternatives to a non-violent strategy suggest war and a situation that will make the human rights crisis much worse.
The sixth point is that the international community should give name recognition to the courageous work of Iranian human rights defenders within Iran, especially those who are in prison. There are many key figures, many prominent names, such as the courageous human rights activist and lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh, her husband Reza Khandan, Abdolfattah Soltani, Abdullah Momeni, Mostafa Tajzadeh, Narges Mohammadi, Esmail Bakhshi and Sepideh Gholian.
These are names that should become household names, not just in Canada, but around the world, because when the international community recognizes these names and puts them into the public discussion, it makes it much more difficult for the Iranian regime to oppress these people. It gives them a certain blanket of protection, so that if they're abused, there will be international repercussions in response to Iran's behaviour.
There is a Canadian connection here. We used to have the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development in Montreal. In 2006 this centre gave its most prestigious human rights award, the John Humphrey Freedom Award, to an Iranian political dissident, Akbar Gangi. That elevated his work. It gave him money. It gave him a platform to speak from. It was I think a step in the right direction.
Giving honorary citizenship, for example, to Iranian human rights defenders is a way of supporting and giving name recognition to these people.
A few months ago, French President Emmanuel Macron formally invited Nasrin Sotoudeh, the courageous human rights lawyer, to be part of the G7 Gender Equality Advisory Council. This type of creative thinking should be rigorously pursued by Canada. It helps human rights defenders, and it would be broadly welcomed.
Let me conclude with a few quick observations. I think the question of human rights in Iran directly matters for Canada for three main reasons.
First, it's part of our core Canadian values that define us as a country. I think our moral standing in the world is based on our recognition that Canada is a country that defends and supports human rights norms. Polling in Canada generally reflects support for a human rights foreign policy that upholds and elevates human rights.
Second, Canada has a stake in the human rights crisis in Iran today. Two Iranian Canadians have been killed in Iranian jails, Zahra Kazemi and more recently, Kavous Seyed-Emami. Dozens of other Canadian residents have either been held in jail, have been prevented from leaving or have been harassed. This gives the question of human rights in Iran a Canadian connection, and we have an interest in pursuing human rights in Iran for that reason alone.
Third, Canada is now home to a sizable Iranian Canadian community. There are deep differences among them in terms of what strategy Canada should pursue, but there's a broad consensus that most Iranian Canadians support Canada's elevation of human rights in Iran and supports Canada elevating the work of human rights and pro-democracy activists in Iran.