Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on May 21st, 2024

[The Vice-Chair, Bloc, Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe]

I call this meeting to order.

Welcome to meeting number 51 of the House of Commons Subcommittee on International Human Rights of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development.

Before we begin, I would like to ask all members and other participants in the room to consult the cards on the table for the guidelines to prevent audio feedback incidents. Please keep in mind the preventive measures in place to protect the health and safety of all participants, including the interpreters, of whom we are very fond. Please use only an approved black earpiece. The old grey earpieces should no longer be used. Always keep your earpiece away from all microphones, and when you are not using your earpiece, place it face down on the middle of the sticker located on the table for that purpose. Thank you all for your co-operation. Our valiant interpreters really appreciate it.

Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format. To ensure an orderly meeting, I'd like to go over a few rules for members and witnesses. Before speaking, please wait until I recognize you by name. For members in the room, if you wish to speak, please raise your hand. For members on Zoom, please use the “raise hand” function. The clerk of the subcommittee and I will do our best to maintain a consolidated speaking order.

You may speak in the official language of your choice. Interpretation services are available for this meeting. You have the choice of floor, English or French. If interpretation is lost, please inform me immediately.

I remind you that all comments by members and witnesses should be addressed through the chair.

In accordance with our routine motion concerning sound tests, I wish to inform the subcommittee that all witnesses have completed the required tests in advance of the meeting.

The study before us today is the current human rights situation in Iran.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the subcommittee on Tuesday, April 30, the subcommittee is beginning its study of Georgia's draft legislation on foreign agents.

Before we welcome our witnesses, I would like to provide a trigger warning. We will be discussing experiences related to violence and assault, which may be triggering to people with similar experiences. If you feel distressed or if you need help, please advise the clerk.

To accommodate the witnesses, we will be flexible about the five-minute period for opening remarks and the time allotted to witnesses to answer members' questions.

I would now like to welcome the witnesses, who are all appearing as individuals: Nazanin Afshin‑Jam, human rights advocate; Arash Sobhani, musician and producer; Hanieh Ziaei, political scientist and iranologist, Raoul‑Dandurand Chair, Université du Québec à Montréal; Nazanin Boniadi, human rights advocate and actress; and finally, Atena Daemi, human rights advocate. Four of our witnesses are appearing by video conference. Only Ms. Daemi is in person in the room.

Each witness will present for approximately five minutes, followed by a round of questions.

Nazanin Afshin‑Jam, I now invite you to make your opening statement.

[Nazanin Afshin-Jam, Human Rights Advocate, As an Individual]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Good afternoon, everyone.

Thank you to the chair and the committee.

I appeared before this same committee 17 years ago. Tragically, the human rights atrocities in Iran remain the same, as do my recommendations.

The war on women continues. Girls are beaten, dragged screaming into police vans and raped for not wearing a hijab. There is a surge in the executions of peaceful protesters. There is a crisis in Turkey, where bona fide Iranian refugees, like Shilan Mirzaee, are sent notices of deportation back to Iran, despite lethal outcomes.

Preparing for this talk, I came to the conclusion that I could not possibly scratch the surface in a five-minute talk of the abuses of human rights by the Islamic Republic. Therefore, I would like to ask permission to table the 20-page synopsis of the recent UN fact-finding mission's 500-page report. It covers the time frame of September 2022, after the death of Mahsa Amini, also known as Jina, at the hands of the regime's morality police, which sparked the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising in which more than 600 peaceful protesters were killed.

Excuse me. I can hear the simultaneous Persian translation.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

We'll suspend for a few seconds, please.

[Nazanin Afshin-Jam]

What should I do here? I can hear in my earpiece the simultaneous translation.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Wait a few seconds, please. We're trying to address the issue.

Can we have unanimous consent to continue, or do we have to stop because the bells are ringing?

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Chair, let's vote from here. If it's okay with everyone, I'd say to just continue through the votes.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Yes. We have a few seconds until we solve this problem.

[The Clerk of the Committee, Ms. Danielle Widmer]

I think it's all been corrected. We can resume the meeting shortly.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Continue, Madam, please. You may continue with your speech.

[Nazanin Afshin-Jam]

All right.

As I was saying, this fact-finding mission report.... No, I still hear the Persian at full volume.

[The Clerk]

We're going to check the interpretation channels again. Give us a moment, please. Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

We can resume. Please continue.

[Nazanin Afshin-Jam]

Thank you.

As I was saying, the UN's fact-finding mission report covers the timeframe of September 2022, after the death of Mahsa Jina Amini at the hands of the regime's morality police, which sparked the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprisings in which more than 600 peaceful protesters were killed, 71 of whom were children. Twenty thousand were imprisoned. There was intentional blinding, targeted shooting, torture, rape and death sentences of peaceful protesters on top of the existing systematic discrimination against women and the persecution of ethnic, religious and sexual minorities, among other abuses.

I organized a delegation of experts and survivors of these abuses who gave testimony at the UN, and I would be happy to organize a similar panel for your subcommittee if you were interested.

The most important part of the FFMI report was the conclusion that the abuses of human rights by the regime amounted to crimes against humanity—in other words, an international crime, grounds for the International Criminal Court and grounds for UN member states with universal jurisdiction, like Canada, to try the perpetrators of these crimes in a tribunal. The report recommends opening structural investigations for these crimes against humanity.

Journalist Negar Mojtahedi, who is with Global News, did an investigative piece revealing that 700 such regime affiliates are in Canada, nine of whom have been called to be deported, but instead of deportation they could be on trial, setting the precedent for accountability, as in the case of Hamid Nouri in Sweden.

With each of these regime affiliates comes a trail of dirty laundered money and evidence of foreign interference, including threats to Iranian Canadians and political interference. My organization, the Iranian Justice Collective, was here on the Hill a couple of weeks ago providing policy recommendations on foreign interference, on the PS752 file, on upping the number of Iranian refugees, on actions to get the IRGC onto the terrorist list and on the expansion of sanctions we call Toomaj sanctions. I will table this as well, if permitted, and I would be happy to elaborate.

Shortly after the trip to Ottawa, my colleague received a call at her family's home in Iran from a regime official who threatened that she would end up like the women she was trying to defend if she continued with her activism.

Let me pause and really stress that concentrating on Iranian human rights issues is not an altruistic pursuit; it is in the national self-interest of Canada and the Canadian public. Former Iranian Foreign Affairs Minister Zarif said in his book that while he was in office, there was no bigger pressure on the regime than human rights pressure. That is why we hope you support our campaign to end gender apartheid in Iran and Afghanistan, as Canada did to end racial apartheid in South Africa.

This regime has no legitimacy. Eighty per cent of the population want an end to the regime, and in recent parliamentary elections in the capital, Tehran, there was only an 8% voter turnout.

I say this as a proud Canadian who was born in Iran, for the benefit of both people and for lasting change, not just to have stability in the Middle East by cutting off the main sponsor of terrorism for Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis and not just to halt the export of military equipment from Iran to Russia to use against Ukraine, but also for the safety of our Canadian public here on Canadian soil. We cannot risk not having a strong Iran policy. We are not safe.

A government's main objective is to ensure the security of its people. I recommend that Canada join its G7 allies to host a conference or to convene a task force to draft a strong Iran policy with human rights at its core, in which there are real costs, economically or diplomatically, for non-compliance. For our safety and that of our children, we need a comprehensive strategic plan to weaken the regime and empower freedom-loving Iranians.

Thank you very much. I look forward to answering any questions.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you for your nice speech.

Now I would like to invite Madam Atena Daemi, human rights advocate.

You have the floor for five minutes. Go ahead, please—

I'm sorry, but we have to switch. I would like to invite Mr. Arash Sobhani, musician and producer, who is appearing by video conference.

You have the floor for five minutes. Go ahead, please.

[Arash Sobhani, Musician and Producer, As an Individual]

Hi. I am Arash Sobhani. Thank you.

Honourable members of Parliament, thank you for the opportunity to speak before you today.

The Iranian struggle stands apart from any other. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic has waged a relentless war, not against a political party, a specific ideology or a rival, but against a way of life.

If we distill culture to its essence, it is the very fabric of our day-to-day existence. The Islamic Republic seeks to dismantle and obliterate this way of life, resulting in nearly eight million Iranians fleeing their homeland, millions losing their lives, thousands being imprisoned and hundreds disappearing. This assault on our way of life begins by targeting the intellectuals, artists and cultural figures—the very pillars of the society.

The way of life under attack is a modern one that is rooted in human rights, human dignity and liberal democratic values. This modern way of life is the culmination of centuries of global struggle by individuals and people throughout history around the world. It has now manifest in western countries, placing a profound responsibility on decision-makers in the west. They must not only uphold human rights and liberal values within their own societies, but also safeguard the hard-won gains of countless individuals who endured torture, persecution and imprisonment globally throughout history. Their sacrifices have granted us the freedom of expression we enjoy today in parts of the world. Therefore, I believe the responsibility of western politicians extends beyond mere sympathy and condemnation; it necessitates taking meaningful actions to preserve freedom of speech and human rights globally.

Now let's delve into some of the human rights violations that specifically target intellectuals and artists in Iran.

One example was the cultural revolution purge. After the Islamic Republic's cultural revolution, there was an unprecedented purge of university professors and students. Around 20,000 teachers deemed too westernized were dismissed. Ironically, many of the operatives of this purge now work in western universities as experts.

Another example is the imprisonment of writers and intellectuals. In 2021, at least 277 writers and public intellectuals in Iran were unjustly imprisoned or detained. Many faced repeated detentions over multiple years, indicating the continued repressions that they face.

There were the chain murders. Between 1988 and 1998, over 80 writers, translators, poets, political activists and ordinary citizens were killed in what became known as the chain murders.

We see the detainment of filmmakers and musicians. Over 100 Iranian filmmakers, actors and musicians have been detained, banned from working or face travel bans for supporting the 2022 protests. This has only happened in the last two years. It's 100 intellectuals, filmmakers and artists.

Kiumars Pourahmad and Dariush Mehrjui—two celebrated Iranian directors—were found dead under suspicious circumstances after becoming vocal critics of the regime.

In individual cases, Toomaj Salehi, the famous Iranian rapper, has faced torture, including the injection of unknown substances and sleep deprivation, and is currently under a death sentence. Saman Yasin has endured torture, including mock executions. Vafadar and Daniel Moghadam, two rappers, have been detained at an unknown location. Shervin Hajipour was arrested because of his artistic expressions. Artists like Rasoulof and Panahi, who are famed Iranian filmmakers, face severe restrictions that prevent them from working and being productive. Rasoulof recently had to flee Iran by foot, as he was banned from travelling and banned from work.

The IRGC remains the main enforcer of these measures, creating various cultural organizations and dominating the entertainment and publishing sectors. Imposing sanctions on any cultural arm of the IRGC or any organizations remotely connected or funded by the IRGC can be considered to be a step in defending the rights of the artists.

In conclusion, it's imperative for the international community, including the Canadian Parliament, to take a decisive stand against such violations and work to hold the Iranian regime accountable. Let's not just condemn these atrocities, but take concrete actions to support the rights and freedom of artists and intellectuals in Iran.

Our collective commitment to human rights and freedom of expression must transcend borders and serve as a beacon of hope for those who continue to resist oppression and strive for a more just and equitable society.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

Now we'll suspend for voting, please.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

I would like to invite Ms. Atena Daemi to take the floor for five minutes, please.

Please go ahead, Ms. Daemi.

[Atena Daemi, Human Rights Advocate, As an Individual]

[Witness spoke in Persian]

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

A point of order, Mr. Chair, there's no French interpretation.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Excuse me, Ms. Daemi. We have to suspend for a few moments, please.

[An hon. member]

If it's not ready, can we hear from other witnesses?

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Yes.

I'm sorry. We'll come back to you. We are going to hear from other witnesses.

[Atena Daemi]

Okay.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

I would now like to invite Dr. Hanieh Ziaei, political scientist and iranologist and the Raoul-Dandurand Chair in Strategic and Diplomatic Studies at the Université du Québec à Montréal, to take the floor.

You have the floor for five minutes, please.

[Hanieh Ziaei, Political Scientist and Iranologist, Raoul-Dandurand Chair, UQAM, As an Individual]

I heard my name. Is it my turn?