Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on June 4th, 2024

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Could you wrap it up, please? Time is up.

[Santiago Stocker]

Yes, absolutely.

In closing, there will be no ceasefire unless the costs on belligerents and their sponsors are significantly raised by the international community. There will be no peace agreement unless the SAF, the RSF and the civilian front are included in negotiations. Negotiations will not succeed unless the fundamental incompatibilities that led to the 2019 revolution, the 2021 coup and the 2023 war are addressed. That can only be credibly accomplished with the inclusion of all three parties.

I welcome your questions.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

Now we will go to questions and answers.

I would like to invite Mr. Majumdar to go ahead. You have the floor for seven minutes.

[Shuv Majumdar, Conservative, Calgary Heritage, AB]

Thank you.

Santiago, let me start with you.

Some 14,700 people have been killed and counting since 2023. You mentioned the 8.6 million people displaced and the 25 million in urgent need of humanitarian assistance—the largest displacement challenge in the world today. I've read that 3.5 million children under the age of five are now dealing with malnutrition, and just over a week ago, 30 civilians were massacred in El Fasher.

This has been going on for nearly a year in the civil war. What is the current strategy missing, in your view? What's the gap here?

[Santiago Stocker]

Number one, the costs on the belligerents are not high enough to incentivize a ceasefire, nor are the costs on the RSF and the SAF, as well as on their backers. We know the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Russia, Iran and others are supporting the belligerents, not just through funding and politically, but also through arms and the exploitation of minerals, including gold. The backing by these international sponsors is critical to the continuation of the conflict.

As I mentioned, this is in some regard a conventional conflict. Artillery, mortars, drones and munitions for air strikes require a continuous supply. This conflict is being fuelled from the outside, so the costs both on the sponsors and on the belligerents themselves must be substantially increased.

There needs to be more support for the civilian coalition. What they tell us, the civil society actors who are pushing hard for peace, is there needs to be a unified platform for negotiations for a unification of the peace processes. They want the international community to pay attention, to elevate this issue and to use all the levers at their disposal to get to a ceasefire and to substantive negotiations to address the issues at the heart of this conflict.

[Shuv Majumdar, Conservative, Calgary Heritage, AB]

Let me ask a secondary question following on that about how the nature of the conflict has had such a tragic human cost. What's the risk of the continued conflict to the wider region in the Horn of Africa?

[Santiago Stocker]

There are many risks. First is the spillover into neighbouring countries—South Sudan, Egypt, Chad, Libya—of not just refugees but also conflict, potentially. These are, in many cases, countries already grappling with issues of internal instability.

Then there are the risks of violent extremism. All of the boxes are being checked in Sudan. The factors that contribute to the rise of major violent extremist organizations are there; they're present. That's very concerning, and it's a dynamic that could affect not just Sudan, but also the region, as well as U.S. and Canadian interests.

Then there's the population displacement. We've already had almost nine million people displaced inside Sudan, but approximately two million were pushed out of Sudan into the region, which already, as I said, has issues with stability. That creates, potentially, immigration and refugee pressures beyond the region.

These are all foreseeable, plausible consequences that are unfolding before us. This is why the international community needs to pay much more attention to what's happening in Sudan.

[Shuv Majumdar, Conservative, Calgary Heritage, AB]

With the rise of violent, radical extremism as a consequence of an unmitigated civil war that is not being drawn to a close, how do you think it will impact migration into Europe and, generally, global migration beyond the region, like what you just described?

[Santiago Stocker]

One thing that's underappreciated is how much worse the conflict could become. As I mentioned, there are already historic levels of internal displacement and really significant levels of external displacement. There are many foreseeable ways that this conflict could become significantly worse. The rise of significant violent extremist organizations could play into that.

The conflict is already becoming much more complex than it was before. We have many armed actors and interests at play, and whenever you have so many interests at play, the conflict and the way it unfolds become a lot harder to predict and a lot harder to resolve. There could be a significant escalation, and that would dramatically increase the pressures that are already there, not just on the countries in the region but also on Europe and other regions.

[Shuv Majumdar, Conservative, Calgary Heritage, AB]

Thank you very much.

Beatrice, in the last minute or two I have, I'll ask you for your perspective. Specifically, how have the Rapid Support Forces and the Sudanese Armed Forces obstructed the delivery of humanitarian aid going into Sudan? What are some of the technical barriers you're encountering, particularly in the field?

[Beatrice Lau]

First of all, in Sudan, wherever we go we need travel permits, which is an authorization from the respective authorities to move personnel or aid supplies to a location. This is the case with the SAF-controlled and RSF-controlled areas. We are seeing that it is getting more and more difficult. In fact, from September of last year until now, we have not been able to get any travel permits for any movement crossing to the other side or crossing the line—what we call the cross-line movement.

Even in the past two or three months, increasingly, even within the areas that are controlled by, for example, the RSF, getting supplies from, let's say, Khartoum to Al Jazirah state—which is still within the RSF-controlled area—has become impossible. There is simply no authorization being given to us for moving these supplies and personnel around.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

Our third witness just arrived, so we have to suspend.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

We're resuming our meeting.

I would like to welcome Madam Nazik Kabalo, director of Sudanese Women Rights Action.

Welcome, Madam, to our committee. You have the floor for five minutes.

[Nazik Kabalo, Director, Sudanese Women Rights Action]

Thank you very much.

Mr. Chair and members of the subcommittee, it's an honour to testify in front of you today to provide information about the human rights situation in Sudan.

After 13 months of war, Sudan has become a land of horror and hunger. The population, which is 49 million people, over 20 million of whom are children, is living in a collapsed state. Half of the population is in need of urgent humanitarian assistance, and 18 million people are acutely hungry according to the latest UN appeals, with 3.5 million children acutely malnourished.

According to a recent report published by Human Rights Watch last month, the RSF has committed ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes, and has used starvation and sexual violence as weapons of war in west Darfur. Our research in other areas of Sudan and documented reports by other local and international groups confirmed the same patterns of grave human rights violations committed in other conflict areas in Sudan, including Al Jazirah, Khartoum and Kordofan.

As I am addressing your committee, at this moment, El Fasher, home of more than two million to three million people, is under siege by the RSF. In the last two days, over 48 people have been killed. The Sudanese Armed Forces has used indiscriminate bombardment in conflict areas of Sudan, killing civilians and destroying hospitals, bridges and other public and private properties.

The warring parties in Sudan have neglected international humanitarian law and used heavy artillery and bombardments inside residential areas in the most populated cities in Sudan. These indiscriminate attacks against civilian areas have resulted in the destruction of public and private property and basic infrastructure, leaving millions of people without access to basic services such as water, electricity, health care, education and communication.

The war in Sudan is fuelled by the continuous supply of weapons and financial resources from other countries. It's well documented that the United Arab Emirates has provided support to the RSF, while other countries, including Iran and Russia, have supported the SAF.

In the engagement of the Canadian government in Sudan, it has failed to respond at a high level and put the situation in Sudan at the top of the agenda of Canada's foreign affairs. Canada has had a remarkable record in supporting peace processes in Sudan since the 2005 peace agreement. This record and experience must be retained to push for peace and end the suffering of the Sudanese people. The strategic importance of the conflict in Sudan must be taken more seriously as part of Canada's top concerns for peace and security in Africa, the Middle East and globally.

I call on committee members and the Canadian government to take action to urge the warring parties to uphold obligations under international humanitarian law; to implement Canadian government commitments to protecting civilians and to protecting women and girls under Canada's national action plan by implementing resolution 1325 and the other commitments under Canada's feminist foreign policy; to increase funding for humanitarian aid and to support local civil society to respond to the expanding crisis, especially with women and youth-led initiatives; to ensure more high-level engagement of the Canadian government on the situation in Sudan; to restore a Canadian diplomatic presence in the country; to appoint a special envoy to contribute to the efforts of peacemaking; to review the announced immigration and relocation plans for the Sudanese to accommodate the increasing needs and to match other plans implemented for other countries like Ukraine; to work with other members of the Security Council to extend the arms embargo on Darfur to all of Sudan; to support calls for a referral of the situation in Sudan to the International Criminal Court so that ICC jurisdiction is extended to include all conflict areas in Sudan where war crimes and crimes against humanity were allegedly committed; and to take effective measures to end the support provided to the warring parties in Sudan by countries like the UAE, Russia and Iran, including by stopping the sale of arms to the UAE.

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you, Madam Kabalo.

I'll open the floor to questions and answers.

I would like to invite Mr. Ali Ehsassi to take the floor for seven minutes.

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

Thank you very much to our witnesses for appearing before us today. This has been very informative—and very sobering, I might add.

I'd like to start off with Ms. Lau.

We heard some statistics from Mr. Majumdar, some truly chilling ones. I remember that in February, Doctors Without Borders was saying that a child was dying in the Zamzam area of Sudan every two hours. Have things improved since then, or have they only gotten worse?

[Beatrice Lau]

Unfortunately, no, the situation is actually.... We have had more possibilities to conduct—for example, with MSF—nutritional assessments other than in the Zamzam camp in north Darfur. In the past few months, we have conducted nutritional assessments in west Darfur, south Darfur and Gedaref. We're in other parts of Sudan too.

All of the results seem to confirm that the situation of extreme or severely acute malnutrition is not just happening in north Darfur and Zamzam. Zamzam was perhaps the first one we managed to raise an alarm about. It was news around the world that there was a catastrophic malnutrition crisis unfolding in Sudan.

Unfortunately, it is not just that part of the country—

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

I'm fully aware. I was just saying that was the worst situation, from what I could gather.

Could you explain to us how things stand currently? I understand atrocities are being committed on all sides of this dispute. In your opinion, what is the most credible multilateral initiative taking place in an attempt to ensure humanitarian assistance can make its way into the country?

[Beatrice Lau]

That is precisely what we think of as one of the most important initiatives that need to take place in order to unblock humanitarian access—

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

Is anyone in the driver's seat? Is there any initiative currently under way that you think should be supported by countries around the world?

[Beatrice Lau]

As far as I know, there is not one platform that both parties have agreed to be on. Without that, it is very difficult because of what we have seen. For example, MSF and even UN agencies have tried engaging bilaterally with each of the parties to unblock the humanitarian access problem. The problem is that whatever one party has agreed to offer to improve the situation, the other party does something to sabotage and cancel it.

Indeed, some kind of platform is needed to bring the parties together to unblock the situation.

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

Thank you for that, Ms. Lau, and for all your efforts.

Now I will go to Mr. Stocker.

You were suggesting that assistance should be provided to civilian coalitions. To the extent this is possible, would there be distribution networks available to ensure supplies are making it to civilian coalitions around the country?

[Santiago Stocker]

Some of the most significant work being done on the ground in Sudan is being done by Sudanese organizations, emergency rooms and resistance committees, and there is a need for direct support. This has been articulated by USAID administrator Samantha Power and others, who realize and acknowledge that the international community needs to figure out creative ways to get direct funding and support to organizations on the ground that are providing medical and other services at the grassroots, neighbourhood and community levels. There are ways to do that. They're going to take the resolve, creative thinking and coordination of the international community, but there is absolutely a need.

There is also a need for support for the civilian coalition outside of Sudan. There is a very credible coalition, Taqaddum, which just held its founding conference, as well as other civil society groups that are at the forefront of pushing for negotiations. They are absolutely open to any platform, any forum or any pathway to begin talks. They need support and, I would add, protection. That's for members of the organizations within Sudan and those outside of Sudan, who are internally subject to persecution and targeting by both sides and who have externally faced a lot of challenges with funding, travel and residency. They really need support to conduct their basic operations. The fact is, the democratic future of Sudan will ultimately be negotiated by these actors, and whatever support can be given to allow them to operate effectively and safely will be welcome and productive.

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

Thank you for that.

I have very little time left, but I think I will go to Ms. Kabalo, who Ms. Vandenbeld knows well and always praises.

I'm wondering if there is any further advice you want to provide us. Your testimony was very helpful, but I thought I would leave it to you to tell us whether there are any issues you want to highlight and emphasize.

[Nazik Kabalo]

Thank you very much.

I want to emphasize that for local organizations, women's groups and youth groups working on the ground, we don't have an issue of access; we have an issue of funding. Many women and youth groups on the ground have been holding their ground and feeding millions of people in Khartoum, an area that no INGO or international aid organization has been able to set foot in since the war started. All of the people in Khartoum are completely dependent on humanitarian aid and local initiatives. I know that MSF has some presence in Khartoum, but other organizations, especially those providing food and other forms of livelihood assistance, are not there.

What we need is more recognition of the efforts of the localized response, which has been filling the gaps of the international absence in providing aid in Sudan. We need you to work to fill the gaps in funding to feed the people on the ground, because the main issue right now is hunger, and we need to act now. I think the international community needs to understand that Sudan is a collapsed state—there is no state right now in Sudan—so all of the local groups are working right now as a semi-government. Right before talking to you, I was discussing how to provide a solar-based system to a hospital providing services for over one million residents in Khartoum. This is how we need to support them to make sure things are working.