That's exactly right. There is a very strong Canadian nexus, both in terms of passive jurisdiction—the victims have been Canadian, again, both historically and currently—and also, prospectively, in terms of active jurisdiction. There is a high likelihood that some Canadians may even be involved in perpetrating the crimes, when you consider that there are 700 IRGC-connected individuals alleged to be in Canada, and likely more who are fleeing the regime or who may have some connections in Canada. There's a good chance that not only are the victims Canadian, but there may be some perpetrators who are Canadian. There's certainly the presence in Canada of perpetrators, regardless.
Again, as some of my colleagues on the panel mentioned, first, while we commend the actions that the Canadian government has taken, under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, to exclude the entry of members of the IRGC, the fact is that there are many who are already here and likely to evade those important policies and provisions. When some of these officials are caught in Canada, they should not be deported back to Iran—which is the current policy of the Canadian government—to keep killing people. They should be prosecuted when they're caught here. They should stand trial in Canada, and their victims, who are often in Canada, can take the stand and educate the world about what's happened.
Second, it would assist in ensuring that they don't end up in Canada if we were to undertake this structural investigation and make sure that Canadian Iranian victims—who, as Nazanin shared earlier today, often witness, in Canadian streets, the jailers, judges and police officers who persecuted them—have a single destination to be sharing this information with law enforcement so that it can be acted upon and, similarly, make sure we exclude these perpetrators from entering our country in the first place.