Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on Feb. 9th, 2026

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

I call this meeting to order.

Welcome to meeting number 11 of the House of Commons Subcommittee on International Human Rights of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted on Monday, January 26, the subcommittee is meeting on its study of the current situation of democracy and human rights defenders around the world.

Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format, pursuant to the Standing Orders. Members are attending in person in the room and remotely using the Zoom application.

I would like to make a few comments for the benefit of the witnesses and the members.

Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. For those participating by video conference, click on the microphone icon to activate your mic and please mute yourself when you are not speaking.

For those on Zoom, at the bottom of your screen you can select the appropriate channel for interpretation: floor, English or French. For those in the room, you can use the earpiece to select the desired channel.

I remind you that all comments should be addressed through the chair.

I would now like to welcome the witnesses.

As individuals, we have Mirja Trilsch, professor, and Chris Yonke, political and strategic affairs adviser.

From Demos Kratos, we have Ryota Jonen, founding member.

From the Iranian-Canadian Cultural Society of Vancouver Island, we have Taajbakhsh Daliran, founder, and Kian Pakdel, founder.

From the National Democratic Institute, we have Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes, president.

From the Parliamentary Centre, we have Ivo Balinov, executive director of programs, and Marci Surkes, vice-chair of the board.

Before I start the round of questions, I would like to bring to your attention that this committee did a lot of study....

We will suspend for a few seconds until we get translation.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

This committee has done several studies regarding Mr. Jimmy Lai and how he was held hostage in a prison. There were several studies with a lot of emotion. I believe we have a motion on the floor today regarding this issue. I would like to invite Mr. Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe to speak to the motion.

You have the floor.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chair. It won't take long.

I understand that consultation took place among the members and that everyone agreed that the following motion should be adopted swiftly—and even without a vote, so by unanimous consent.

The motion reads as follows:

That the Subcommittee on International Human Rights condemn the 20-year prison sentence imposed on former pro-democracy media mogul Jimmy Lai by the Hong Kong authorities and reiterate its call for his immediate release.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Do I have consensus from the members?

(Motion agreed to)

Thank you, Mr. Brunelle-Duceppe.

Before we start with the questions and answers, I would like to give each of the witnesses five minutes for their elocution. We would like to start with Madame Mirja Trilsch, professor.

Madame, you have the floor for five minutes. Please try to respect the time, because we have a lot of witnesses.

[Mirja Trilsch, Professor, As an Individual]

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

One of the most effective ways to undermine human rights is to silence human rights defenders. When the voices of those who speak out against human rights violations and hold perpetrators accountable are stifled, it not only gives free rein to abuse, but also undermines democracy.

Attacks on human rights defenders are hardly new. What is particularly alarming in the current situation is the shrinking of the public space for human rights advocacy, as well as the destruction of mechanisms designed to protect human rights defenders.

The strategies used to attack human rights defenders are well known: intimidation, surveillance, threats, arbitrary imprisonment and assassination. To lend themselves an air of legitimacy, perpetrators also resort to criminalization—i.e., prosecution—either by labelling human rights work as terrorism, slander, or incitement to violence, or by making false accusations based on fabricated evidence, such as tax evasion or drug trafficking.

In addition to formal criminalization, there's also informal criminalization, which involves penalizing defenders by discriminating against them in terms of housing, employment, or health care. This phenomenon is particularly widespread against women and LGBT rights defenders.

Finally, outright suppression of certain types of speech is becoming increasingly common. Censorship is on the rise, whether it be banning research topics in universities, such as studies on gender and sexuality or discrimination, or blocking certain content on the Internet, such as rights organizations' websites.

So what can be done to defend human rights defenders? There is little recourse for victims. Opportunities to find refuge elsewhere are very limited. The diplomatic route is possible, but not easily accessible.

The UQAM International Human Rights Clinic has often had to come to the rescue of its partners. We have therefore turned to international mechanisms: the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which can issue provisional protection measures, and the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, who can intervene directly with states.

These international mechanisms, both universal and regional, play an essential role in protecting human rights defenders. The United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders even explicitly provides for the right to communicate with intergovernmental organizations. However, those mechanisms are under threat themselves.

On the one hand, the authoritarian drift south of the border has severely affected their funding. At the United Nations, for example, treaty committees are finding their sessions cancelled, field visits are being cut back, and translation services have been scrapped. Currently, only the English website of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights will be updated. Ensuring the funding of international mechanisms for the protection of rights and their defenders must be a priority for states.

On the other hand, and this is almost unheard of, the mandate holders working within these institutions are themselves the targets of attacks and are facing to terrorist-level sanctions. Their assets are frozen and their credit cards cancelled. International solidarity and the protection of these defenders are essential to keeping international mechanisms functional.

Could we do better here at home? Some countries have adopted laws to protect human rights defenders. There is even a model law proposed by the International Service for Human Rights that calls for the creation of a national protection mechanism that would, among other things, allow for physical protection measures.

Canada would undoubtedly benefit from such legislation. On the one hand, human rights defenders in Canada are not immune to attacks, particularly women, LGBT defenders and defenders in exile. On the other hand, the proliferation of sexist, racist, homophobic, transphobic and even fascist rhetoric raises fears that the situation will deteriorate. Adopting legislation and creating a national mechanism to protect human rights defenders would send a powerful signal that attacks against rights defenders will not be tolerated in Canada and would establish Canada as an example for other countries to follow.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you very much, Ms. Trilsch. You stayed well within your speaking time, and I thank you for that.

Now I would like to invite Mr. Chris Yonke to take the floor for five minutes.

The floor is yours.

[Chris Yonke, Political and Strategic Affairs Adviser, As an Individual]

Honourable members of the committee and the House, ladies and gentlemen, I'm appearing today to discuss a growing movement by experienced Canadian practitioners in international development who cannot sit idly by as human rights and democratic development erode globally under the changing priorities of democratic governments.

Global democracy is at a breaking point, with 72% of the world living under autocratic regimes. Simply put, Canada can do more in this space. Strengthening democratic institutions abroad is significantly more cost-effective than managing the inevitable fallout of authoritarianism, such as violent conflict, economic volatility and mass displacement.

The reality is that authoritarians are quick to take advantage of situations. In July, Russia announced an intention to launch a $1-billion-plus organization, somewhat modelled after USAID, to support Russian interests. China's belt and road initiative is a comprehensive plan that will put China at the centre of international trade. The first half of 2025 saw the highest engagement ever. While stable democracies take a wait-and-see approach, others are moving fast to fill the void.

Canada, like our NATO allies, is not immune to the effects of foreign interference. Information manipulation, attempting to influence elections and, in some cases, intimidation have all been noted in recent commission reports and domestic media.

To spark dialogue among Canadians who have experienced working in democratic governance both domestically and abroad, a group of experts and academics formed naturally out of a concern for global democratic governance. In January a meeting was held with over 25 Canadian practitioners whose collective development experience exceeds at least 140 years to discuss and propose ways for Canada to strengthen its support and funding for domestic and international democratic resilience. It includes some of the best minds in Canada's domestic CSOs supporting our democracy, current and former implementers of major global projects, founders of international initiatives and leading government advisers. For clarity, we specifically ensured that we had democracy practitioners from across the political spectrum to find a path forward.

Participants recognized the need for Canada to urgently build the systems and infrastructure to support democratic resilience. Global circumstances have turned what once was a “want” for enhanced democratic governance programming into a “need”. Canada must act in building alliances and partnerships that will benefit the country economically, create more resilient democratic societies and counter disparate challenges.

I will offer some observations. On global security and trade, Canada's support for global democratic resilience can be closely tied to economic, trade and security efforts. Rule of law, transparency and anti-corruption are practical and enabling conditions for stable economic partnerships. Canada must play a larger role in supporting fellow NATO member states, especially in eastern Europe, that face relentless foreign interference.

Political consensus is imperative. Any efforts to enhance Canada's work in this field would require broad consensus among the parties.

On countering authoritarianism, democracy engagement acts as a vital counterweight as Canada enters deeper relationships with illiberal partners and defends against authoritarian narratives.

Finally, on the domestic-international knowledge link, participants linked democratic resilience abroad with resilience at home.

There are some options going forward that we're still discussing. One is the creation in the future of an independent, non-partisan Canadian endowment for security and democracy, a non-partisan fund to bolster global democratic resilience that will support technical assistance, education and information sharing.

The second is to advocate to build a new coalition of democracy-supporting states. Canada's diversity positions us to lead globally a democracy support compact coordinating international democratic efforts.

The third is to call for the establishment of an ambassador and a strengthening of the democratic resilience program. This is an office that can champion global efforts. These offices have existed in the past—for example, with religious freedoms.

The fourth is to support both domestic and international democratic resilience.

Our group, which came together organically, is finalizing recommendations. We look forward to sharing those with you soon.

Overall, we cannot sit idly by, hoping a neighbour will do the work abroad that will benefit our Canadian family. It's time to use the resources we have to support our own economic growth and provide greater democratic security here and for our partners abroad.

Mr. Chairman and the committee, thank you for your time. I look forward to discussing more during the questions.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you, Mr. Yonke.

I would like to invite Mr. Ryota Jonen to take the floor for five minutes, please.

[Ryota Jonen, Founding Member, Demos Kratos]

Thank you, Mr. Chair and members of the subcommittee.

Mr. Chair, you mentioned that the son of Jimmy Lai was here in front of your committee two years ago. I'm very thankful that you initiated this motion to express solidarity with Jimmy Lai. That's what I think this subcommittee is about.

I have worked for 25 years, supporting democracy movements around the world. I worked at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington, D.C., for more than two decades, working with both Republicans and Democrats, uniting their support around democracy and freedom against autocratic governments like Russia and China. Now I've been working with eight amazing organizations from the global south and the global north that have decided to join forces together to reimagine democracy through a new initiative called Demos Kratos, a global movement that has a polycentric leadership structure based on local ownership and driven by on-the-ground energy.

Today, I speak before you one year after the dramatic dismantling of the U.S. international aid structure, yet democracy champions around the world have continued organizing and mobilizing. Demos Kratos is one such example. I want to share with you today what is happening from the perspective of those on the ground.

As was mentioned by a previous speaker, civic space—or the so-called public square—is shrinking faster than ever. Authoritarian regimes' favourite tool is restrictive law. Since 2007, some of us have been indicating that there's a spike in laws choking civil society and any independent voices. According to Civicus, today only 3.4% of the world's population lives in an open society. In Hungary, for example, a new law labels NGOs, media outlets and even banks as foreign agents if they receive foreign funding or foreign revenue, or even if they simply facilitate foreign transactions. Just a few weeks ago, in Georgia, amendments to the so-called Russian NGO law were introduced, proposing a prior government approval requirement even for in-kind contributions or for supports like knowledge sharing and training. In Uganda, days before the January 15 election, 10 organizations had their permits suspended on vague security allegations. I appreciate your subcommittee's continued support for human rights defenders in the face of what's happening in Uganda.

The message from these governments to citizens is extremely clear: If you disagree with us, you don't belong. That's the message to the citizens. These developments are forcing defenders into exile. For example, Cristosal, the prominent Salvadoran organization once supported by Global Affairs Canada, announced that it would continue its human rights work from outside the country. Georgian activists who once provided a safe haven for others now find themselves fleeing.

Despite all of this, something powerful is emerging from the global south. Civil society actors are not waiting for rescue. They are reimagining what effective democracy activism means, and it doesn't look like the traditional NGO model, I have to say.

Last June, Demos Kratos gathered 50 democracy champions from 30 different countries to ask this question: How do citizens assert power over autocrats in this particular moment? Despite vastly different contexts, they reached the same conclusion, that this moment demands deepening networks and engaging different sectors of society. Protection mechanisms for human rights defenders in Africa are collaborating more closely than ever, building capacity for financial resilience. Universities are stepping up as safe havens, despite pressure from authoritarian regimes. In Kenya, it's interesting: Young people organized a TikTok court on social media, inviting young legal professionals and witnesses to seek justice for the victims of police brutality during the June protests.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

If you could wrap it up, please, your time is up.

[Ryota Jonen]

Sure.

In Nepal, artists partnered with civil society organizations to launch the nepo babies campaign using creative means. All of this is happening.

What can Canada do? I'd like to recommend three things.

First, protect the vibrant public square. As I mentioned, foreign agents are going everywhere at the moment. Engage in the process with the UN Human Rights Committee by reimagining the international human rights framework.

Second, connect the Canadian public square with counterparts in the global south. As I mentioned, there are so many middle power democracies we need to engage.

Finally, invest in convening power. Support platforms that bring formal organizations, faith-based communities, social movements and artist collectives together into one big tent.

The democratic community is fragmented.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

You are one minute over. I'm sorry, but I can't go any longer.

[Ryota Jonen]

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

I now invite Mr. Taaj Daliran to take the floor for five minutes.

[Taajbakhsh Daliran, Founder, Iranian Canadian Cultural Society of Vancouver Island]

Good afternoon, Mr. Chair and honourable members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to speak today. Dr. Pakdel and I will be sharing the allotted time between the two of us.

We stand before you as victims and witnesses to the suffering and courage of millions of Iranians. We come carrying their voices and their urgent call to act in what has become the darkest chapter in recent human history before our eyes.

Dr. Pakdel will provide examples of systematic repression by the regime.

[Kian Pakdel, Founder, Iranian Canadian Cultural Society of Vancouver Island]

Thank you.

Under the Islamic regime in Iran, human rights violations [Technical difficulty—Editor] into the fabric of the regime's ideology.

The regime views itself as a transnational Islamic project and has [Technical difficulty—Editor].

From 1979-81, around 10,000 opposition members were executed. Violence was the regime's method of consolidation.

In 1988, prisoners serving long sentences were secretly executed by the death committee. Up to 5,000 prisoners were killed. Even remaining faithful to one's beliefs was treated as a crime.

From 1999-2003, students seeking press and political freedoms were attacked in their dormitories, beaten, arrested and killed. Even universities were treated as battlefields.

In 2009, during the green movement protests, the regime tried to break the protesters physically and psychologically through killing, sham trials and sexual violence. Electoral integrity was systematically denied.

[Technical difficulty—Editor] shut down, and demonstrators protesting the sudden spike in fuel prices were gunned down in multiple [Technical difficulty—Editor] 1,500. Even peaceful assembly was criminalized.

In 2020, the IRGC shot down [Technical difficulty—Editor] people, including dozens of Canadians. People gathered to mourn were met with repression. Even grief was treated as a threat.

From 2021-22, after access to water had been routinely cut off, protests were met with live ammunition and mass arrests. Even thirst was criminalized.

From 2022-23, after Mahsa Amini was killed, a woman-led uprising swept the country. The response was an Internet blackout and the use of lethal force, killing around 500 people. Gender-based violence was legitimized.

Finally, from January 2026 to the present, economic pressure made life unbearable and millions began to protest. The regime used systematic violence, killing more than 30,000 people. The world has just witnessed a grave crime against humanity.

Now I give the floor back to Mr. Daliran.

[Taajbakhsh Daliran]

When a state wages violence against its own population, responsibility is no longer optional; it is a necessity. Regimes like this cannot be restrained by unarmed civilians alone. In such conditions, protecting them won’t be resolved by diplomacy and sanctions. It needs collective intervention.

We therefore urge the Canadian government to, first, explicitly recognize that the crimes of the Islamic regime constitute mass atrocity crimes under the R2P framework.

Second, publicly reaffirm Canada's position that the state's sovereignty cannot be invoked to shield mass atrocity crimes, and that the international community must act when a state massacres its own people.

Third, press the UN Security Council to enact all measures available under R2P's third pillar, including collective military intervention, given that peaceful and diplomatic efforts have proven to be insufficient to protect Iranians.

In closing, history will judge all of us not by our words but by whether we acted when confronted with injustice. The Iranian people have shown the world what bravery looks like. Now they are asking the world to stand with them.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you, Mr. Daliran. That's touching.

Now I would like to invite Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes to take the floor for five minutes.

[Tamara Cofman Wittes, President, National Democratic Institute]

Thank you, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. It's a great honour to appear before you today.

The National Democratic Institute is non-profit and non-partisan. We believe that a world rooted in freedom and dignity fosters more stability, security and prosperity for everyone. We are based in America's democratic civil society, but over our 43 years of work, we have built a global presence, a global workforce and a global perspective on democracy.

We work to advance freedom, citizen participation and accountable governance when and where it matters most. In Ukraine, we help political parties come together, even amidst civil war, to advance EU accession. In Iran, we help citizens expose the diversion of public funds to the security services. Across eastern Europe and the Caucasus, we help democratic societies push back against a firehose of Russian malign influence. Across the African continent, we work with youth activists and women leaders to protect peaceful elections, end civil conflict and open up sovereign debt for public scrutiny.

We also work with long-lasting regional and global networks, like the Global Network for Domestic Election Monitors, whose chair in Uganda is now under court charges from the Museveni regime. I have provided the committee with our latest report on the threats facing these defenders of the right to vote.

Canada has been an essential partner in this work. Canadians from government, Parliament and civil society regularly participate, leading election observer delegations, joining our staff and strengthening our programs to support democratic actors all around the world. I see opportunities to build on our enduring partnership, from Haiti to West Africa, Ukraine and the Middle East.

On a personal note, I am profoundly grateful to the Government of Canada. After the fall of Kabul to the Taliban, your government accepted 178 of NDI's former Afghan staff and their families into your country as refugees. Thank you for that extraordinary act of leadership.

There is no question that this is a challenging time for democracy around the world. Inequality, declining trust and intense polarization drive divisions that are made worse by the substitution of social media for social capital. We, as democracies, don't face only internal challenges; we also face an onslaught of efforts by autocratic actors, like Russia, Iran and China, to deliberately undermine our confidence in our own democratic systems. They do this to weaken accountability and transparency in order to make it easier to expand their own corrupt influence. We see this malign influence in almost every country where we work. Working closely with our local partners, we are building ways to counteract those malign efforts with citizen participation, civil society protection and strategic pro-democracy communication.

Many local citizens, political parties and parliaments rely on global partners, like NDI, that provide election observation, international solidarity and expert technical support. Until last year, the majority of this work was funded by the U.S. government. Our partners are struggling, but they will not stop working. The need for democratic solidarity and concrete support is urgent.

Let me underscore the value of Canada's investments in democracy and governance.

Strengthening the rule of law and government transparency builds better environments abroad for Canadian businesses to trade and invest in. It builds more secure supply chains for strategic minerals. Supporting dialogue and coalition building, especially when they include women fully, helps societies overcome conflict and anchors more lasting peace agreements. Empowering citizens to hold their governments accountable helps protect human rights, advance human development and reduce the space available for corruption, terrorism and the trafficking of drugs and people.

These are some of the ways in which supporting democracy abroad helps advance security, stability and prosperity at home. The challenges facing democracies can feel daunting at this moment, but the unique advantage of democratic societies is that we contain within ourselves the means to correct our own deficiencies. As democratic societies, solidarity is more important to us than ever. A world in which human dignity and democracy prevail can be ours, as long as all of us stand together in the fight, rooted in our values and confident in our cause. We are grateful for Canada's solidarity with people seeking freedom around the world.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you, Ms. Cofman Wittes.

Now, I would like to invite Mr. Ivo Balinov to take the floor, for five minutes, please.

[Ivo Balinov, Executive Director, Programs, Parliamentary Centre]

Mr. Chair and members, Marci and I represent the Parliamentary Centre, a Canadian non-partisan, not-for-profit organization that has focused on strengthening parliamentary democracy in over 70 countries, working with parliaments as well as with civil society groups and other democratic actors.

It has been mentioned that global democracy is in decline, with fewer democracies than autocracies. Despite this, the historical data shows clearly that democratic backsliding, in more than half of the cases, can be revised, especially if addressed early. Success depends on what and how we invest in supporting those who lead these efforts—the democracy defenders, as you define them in this subcommittee's mandate.

I'd like to mention that democracy defenders include not just civil society but also institutions; private sector actors; judges; prosecutors; you, the parliamentarians; and the institutions of Parliament. Effective support must focus on strengthening the entire democratic ecosystem, rather than targeting just one group.

I want to give a few examples, very quick ones, from our work as an organization working on parliamentary democracy, and I'll explain what that means.

In Ukraine, we witness that democracies can endure, even under the direst conditions of war, when the institutions are supported. With the Canadian government's support, we ran the only project that supported the Ukrainian Rada to legislate on issues of security, defence and resilience during wartime. It had a lot of impact.

We have supported international parliamentary networks, such as the Women Legislators in Defence, Security and Peace, of which some of you are members. It brings together colleagues from over 25 countries to share practical experiences that help elected women contribute equally to defence security, security policy and legislation.

I will give a shout-out to ParlAmericas, which I think some of you know. Again, it's a Canadian-based, democratic institution developing impactful democracy, strengthening programming across the western hemisphere. It will celebrate 25 years next month. We were proud to be part of its origins by supporting its secretariat in the beginning.

While threats to democracy continue to rise, they are coupled with a funding environment that is under increasing pressure on a global scale. As others pull out, Canadian organizations are looked to for support more than ever. There is a need and a leadership opportunity for Canada. We recognize that Canada, like many of our democratic allies, faces fiscal constraints. However, stronger support for safeguarding democracy can be achieved even by the rebalancing of existing and diminishing resources.

To give you an example, in 2023-24, Canada's support for democratic development represented only $165 million out of an ODA portfolio totalling $12.3 billion. Democratic institutions, particularly legislatures and political parties, received the least support—below three per cent.

To sum it up, the main issue is not necessarily the amount of funding. It's the need to make support for democracy the strategic government priority. Doing so would help Canada advance its key interests in sovereignty, defence, trade and investment. Democratic rules, institutions, values and processes remain essential for these efforts. Strong parliamentary democracies foster economic prosperity. They support stability and peace, and they strengthen effective international co-operation.

The dynamics of today's international environment require extra agility and flexibility in the efforts to support democracy promoters. Canadian organizations with the right expertise and proven track record exist. They're sought-after and welcomed, but they mostly operate on a project-to-project funding model and have for a long time. That limits the ability to remain flexible and agile, especially now, when democracies and democracy promoters are under threat.

EU member states, EU institutions and the U.K. government have all strengthened their democracy support efforts through stable, long-term partnerships with their respective organizations. They've demonstrated that predictable funding is efficient and cost-effective.

Canadian organizations working in our field would be better positioned to advance Canada's strategic priorities if there were a clear focal point to coordinate our work and provide predictable, sustained financial support. Again, we're not asking for more. We're asking for things to be done differently.

With the right approach, Canadian organizations can work together proactively, rather than reactively, under a team Canada banner, to contribute in a coordinated way to the strategic objective of Canada and its democratic allies, as we all navigate a rapidly changing geopolitical trade and security environment.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you, Mr. Balinov.

Now I would like to invite Madam Marci Surkes to take the floor for five minutes.

[Marci Surkes, Vice-Chair of the Board, Parliamentary Centre]

Mr. Balinov spoke for both of us.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

I would like to move to our round of questions and answers.

I would like to invite Madam Kronis to take the floor for seven minutes, please.

[Tamara Kronis, Conservative, Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thanks to all the witnesses for sharing your perspectives on the current situation for democracy and human rights defenders around the world.

In particular, thanks to Mr. Daliran and Dr. Pakdel for sharing your deeply personal experiences with us. We share your pain here and hope that sharing brings you strength.

Mr. Daliran, I'm going to start with you. What happens to human rights defenders in Iran?