Thank you so much, Madam Chair, and thank you to members of the committee for inviting me to be here.
At Resource Works, we examine how resource development contributes to Canada's prosperity and well-being. My work focuses principally on oil and gas, but we also track nuclear, electricity and mineral processing, areas that I understand the study is tackling today. Across these sectors, the question is about what makes investors commit capital, build productive capacity and reach customers.
Canada understands oil and gas, competitiveness and export capacity reasonably well, despite a decade of political choices working at cross-purposes to that. That experience helps us understand how good industrial policy can enable export growth and diversification. Getting this right matters for wages, public revenues and affordability.
The business case differs across the three sectors being evaluated. Nuclear exports involve technology, equipment, fuel, finance and decades of service, as Mr. Smith just mentioned. Electricity needs supply and grids. Mineral processing needs plants, feedstock and buyers. Each depends on the ability to build and on market access, where needed, through infrastructure and trade agreements. The fundamentals, I would say, are the same. Lessons from oil and gas are instructive.
Competitiveness of the kind that enables export comes from a combination of taxation, regulatory certainty and physical market access. Having something the world needs gives us an opportunity; whether we capture it depends on decisions made by people who have other places to put their money. An investor considering Canada is comparing the return, the time required to earn it and the risk that the conditions will change along the way. A project can be profitable and still lose on that comparison. This is why resource abundance and international demand can coexist with very little new investment. If comparable projects are proceeding elsewhere while ours remain proposals, that difference deserves explanation.
Taxes can reduce returns. Delays can tie up capital. Uncertainty about approvals can make it harder to secure customers, order equipment and arrange financing. These are all conditions governments can set, and indeed it sounds like we're attempting to set those.
Where investment risk can be borne by the private sector, it should be. It's fiscally responsible and it's also how we can drive forward the most entrepreneurial, innovative and transformative solutions that create the best result for national prosperity. Government shouldn't necessarily pay to counter, through one part of the causal chain for export capacity, a problem that its own rules have created elsewhere. A band-aid subsidy can shift a policy-imposed cost from investors to taxpayers without removing it. That's wasteful.
Critical minerals processing facilities, for example, need feedstock. If we can't get a mine built affordably because federal rules such as industrial carbon pricing add costs absent in competitor jurisdictions, efforts to export more will cost more. We will fall behind while Chinese competition squeezes processing margins. That delivers a lower net benefit.
Investors look at profitability and predictability. Can they make money reliably? They compare investments against each other: What specifically warrants an investment in this jurisdiction, this technology or this market opportunity over another?
There has been a lot of talk this past year about oil and gas exports from the west coast. One obvious route is prohibited by federal legislation—the north coast oil tanker ban. Another push to expand Trans Mountain along the southern route is now under way. We have a product that the world needs, and we need a way to get more of it to market. Other energy producers will build and start to operate scores of similar export pipelines in the same time that it will take us just to consider one.
I will leave the committee with four practical recommendations.
First, start with investment decisions. For each export opportunity, ask what would make a private investor choose Canada over the alternative. Identify the customer, the expected return and the risks. Government's ambition for a sector has to be matched by conditions under which someone will actually commit capital.
Second, keep commercial risk with private investors wherever they can bear it. Having their own money at stake gives them a reason to scrutinize costs, find customers and develop better ways of doing things. That discipline is how we drive innovation and productivity.
Third, before offering public money, examine whether government has made the investment unattractive in the first place. When comparable projects are proceeding elsewhere, look at our taxes, approval timelines and market access restrictions.
Fourth, when public investment is justified, be specific about what it will accomplish. Identify the missing infrastructure, financing constraint or other barrier, and explain how the intervention would make a viable project possible or what else stands in the way. The test is whether it enables productive investment that can stand commercially rather than creating a permanent obligation to compensate for rules that we could change. Announcements of funding to promote export are only as good as the productive activity they can unlock to advance the economic well-being of Canadians.
Government has adopted ambitious new language on building and trading. These are the tests of whether its rules can now serve that ambition.
Thank you.