Evidence of meeting #6 for Justice and Human Rights in the 39th Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was provisions.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Peter Copeland  Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

3:30 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

It being 1530 hours, I'd like to open the meeting of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights. The orders of the day, pursuant to the order of reference of Tuesday, April 25, 2006, are for a review of sections 25.1 to 25.4 of the Criminal Code.

Today the witness appearing before the committee is a representative of the Criminal Lawyers' Association, Mr. Peter Copeland. Please, Mr. Copeland, carry on. We have about one hour, and we will go through a series of questions after your presentation.

3:30 p.m.

Peter Copeland Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Thank you very much. On behalf of the Criminal Lawyers' Association, I would like to thank the committee for giving us an opportunity to appear before you this afternoon in relation to the review of the law enforcement provisions of the Criminal Code.

Our organization had an opportunity to address the committee when these provisions were first being considered. Mr. Koziebrocki and Mr. Lomer appeared, and in general terms—

3:30 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

Excuse me, Mr. Copeland. There is a problem with translation.

Would you like to try again?

3:30 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

When these provisions were first being considered prior to adoption by this committee, our organization had an opportunity....

[Technical difficulty--Editor]

3:30 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

Okay, I think everything's in order now. Thank you for your patience, Mr. Copeland. You may continue.

3:30 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

Thank you.

When these provisions were first considered by this committee prior to adoption, our organization had an opportunity to appear and in general terms opposed the introduction of this law enforcement justification regime on the basis that it was not necessary, that it was overly broad, and that the general effect of these provisions was to place police officers above the law. It remains the position of our organization that these provisions create that very risk.

Obviously the provisions themselves are legal provisions, so in a technical sense police officers acting under these provisions are acting under a legal regime, but our position is that the police are above the law under this regime, in the sense that as they themselves are the ones who determine when the state's law enforcement interest outweighs the rights and entitlements of other individuals in society, they are placed outside of the general provisions of the concept we have of the rule of law.

One of the fundamental notions of our system of law is that it is the courts and not individuals that determine the balance to be struck between competing rights and interests. Where the state seeks to interfere with somebody's rights or with somebody's property, the preferable scheme under our system is a system of prior judicial authorization, and where prior authorization is not feasible due to exigent circumstances, subsequent judicial oversight of the conduct.

What is troubling with these provisions is that the police, whether it's done by a public officer or a senior officer under the scheme, make the determination of what appropriate conduct should be undertaken, and they make that determination from their own perspective, caught up in an investigation, without oversight from an independent body and without an appropriate, in our view, system of review.

3:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

I apologize, Mr. Copeland. There seems to be a lot of activity on the committee side. Please bear with us for a couple of minutes until everyone finds a seat.

Thank you, Mr. Copeland. Go ahead.

3:35 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

In our view, there's an absence of an appropriate system of review to ensure that the balance being struck by the police under this regime is an appropriate one, and one that is ultimately in the public interest.

Just to compare the difference between the most standard system of prior judicial authorization—the search warrant provisions under section 47 of the Criminal Code—and the law enforcement justification power, search warrants require prior authorization from an independent judicial officer. Under the law enforcement justification, the police make the determination, and there's no prior recording of it in general terms, except under certain exceptional circumstances where a senior officer has to give written authorization in advance; rather, there is an after-the-fact reporting system.

The justification under the search warrant regime is based upon information on oath. The justification for the acts is disclosed in advance. The extent to which the state seeks to be interfering with the rights of individuals is particularized in advance, and clear limits are set upon the conduct of the state, which reflects the balance that an independent officer sees as being justified.

After a search warrant is executed, the courts maintain jurisdiction and supervision over the search. There's a system in place where reports have to be made promptly after a search, where property seized must be reported to a judicial officer, and where the courts maintain control.

In the law enforcement justification scheme, the justification is not set out in advance. Indeed, under the reporting provision in section 25.2, the public officer who commits an act or omission that would otherwise be an offence has to file a report with a senior officer describing the act or omission but is not required to describe the justification for that act or omission. In terms of the creation of a record as to why the state interfered with individuals, the law enforcement justification regime provides very minimal reporting requirements.

One of the most important differences in accountability between the search warrant regime and the law enforcement justification regime is that search warrants ultimately become public documents. The information sworn in support of a search warrant is a public document. There may be sealing orders, and there may be editing of information to protect an ongoing investigation or to protect the identity of confidential informants, but the general rule is that this information will become public when those interests no longer need to be protected or where certain information can be edited out.

Under the law enforcement justification regime, there is minimal public scrutiny. The press will generally not have any access to the information, unless it is somehow disclosed in the course of a criminal prosecution and becomes the subject of evidence at a criminal trial, perhaps years down the road.

An individual affected by a search warrant receives notice in some form that the state is interfering with their rights. Generally, people are entitled to see a copy of a warrant before the police enter their premises. In the case of interception of private communications, individuals will receive notification at some period of time after the interceptions have ceased.

Under the law enforcement justification regime, the only case where there's notification of individuals affected is where there's a loss of or serious damage to property. If the police assault an individual in the course of an investigation or commit other offences, the individual—an innocent third party, a member of the public—may never know that it was the state that committed that offence against them.

All of the protections that I've outlined in relation to search warrants are in place to protect a very limited category of rights—property rights and privacy. In my view, what is disturbing with respect to the law enforcement justifications is that there is an incredibly broad range of conduct that may be justified under these provisions.

The limitations on the justification scheme are set out in subsection 25.1(11), which says:

Nothing in this section justifies

(a) the intentional or criminally negligent causing of death or bodily harm to another person;

(b) the wilful attempt in any manner to obstruct, pervert or defeat the course of justice; or

(c) conduct that would violate the sexual integrity of an individual.

What would be permitted if those are the only exceptions? Robbery would be permitted. Extortion, uttering death threats, kidnapping, or forcible confinement could be permitted. The infliction of pain short of intentional bodily harm could be permitted, and notwithstanding paragraph 25.1(11)(a) prohibiting the intentional or criminally negligent causing of death or bodily harm, conduct that results in death or bodily harm could be justified. The offence of assault causing bodily harm and the offence of aggravated assault do not require that the consequences be the result of intentional action. So if the police engage in conduct where there is objective foresight of the risk of bodily harm, or indeed death, that could be justified under these provisions, as long as the police were not criminally negligent in the sense of wantonly and recklessly disregarding the risk to the public.

In preparing for today, I didn't have the benefit of reviewing the evidence of the witnesses who testified on Tuesday. Hopefully, the committee has received some information from those witnesses with respect to the actual functioning of these provisions on a day-to-day basis.

What I have been able to review, and what's publicly available—at least online—are certain reports from the federal government in relation to the RCMP's recourse to these provisions and the British Columbia reports from certain years. From reviewing at least those reports, it appears that there has been limited recourse to these provisions, which provides some comfort in light of the concerns that had been raised about the import and over-breadth of these provisions. But at the same time, questions are raised with respect to what had been the purported necessity of these provisions. In 2002 and 2004, for example, British Columbia reports no recourse to these provisions.

With respect to the RCMP, what is reported for 2003 are five instances in investigations involving the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, where what was authorized was the possession and/or purchase of identification documents; in other instances, violations of the Customs Act relating to the purchasing, possessing, or making of false customs declarations were authorized; and in one instance, the possession of a firearm that otherwise would have been an offence under the Criminal Code was authorized.

I pause to note that one of the concerns that had been raised before this bill was adopted was that such a broad justification power was not necessary, and that in response to the Campbell and Shirose decision of the Supreme Court of Canada, for example, regulations had already been promulgated under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act that would authorize reverse sting situations, and that narrower justification provisions could be created that wouldn't allow such over-broad resort to otherwise criminal conduct.

What is interesting and somewhat comforting with respect to the 2002 report in relation to the RCMP is that the conduct that has been justified and authorized really, in a general sense, relates to victimless crimes, where law enforcement officers have been authorized to possess things in the course of an investigation that were never being possessed for an improper purpose.

So for the purchasing of identification documents, the possession of false identification, the possession by agents of the state of contraband liquor or tobacco products, there are no citizens who are actually victims of those offences. The making of a false customs declaration form is the state lying to itself, which in my view is a victimless crime.

Similarly, in the 2003 report, in relation to the RCMP, there were two instances of justification of possessing forged passports; two instances of offences under the Excise Act, relating to the possession of improperly stamped tobacco; one instance of buying and receiving counterfeit documents and uttering counterfeit documents; then one case of possession of stolen goods, a theft over $5,000—there may have been a victim of the theft who might be a member of the public, but it's not clear from the report; and conspiracy to commit an indictable offence, although the indictable offence is not identified in the report.

From the information I had that I've been able to review prior to today, it's not clear how much the other provinces are resorting to these provisions and whether the limited resort available or reflected in the RCMP report is something that has also been carried out across the country.

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

May I interject for a moment?

Is there a concluding statement that you can make in reference to your presentation here today?

Also, I know you reflected the number of incidences that this particular section has been used for or that enforcement has been used. Can you recall, or refer to the committee, any violations or complaints that were registered against the RCMP or the policing agencies that used the section they violated?

3:45 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

To answer the second question first, I'm not aware of any instances of complaint.

Perhaps this will be the concluding portion of my initial comments. One of the real concerns is that the way in which these provisions are structured—the way in which authorization is granted and the limited way in which reports from public offices are made and the annual reports created—shields the conduct of the police from real scrutiny.

Individuals who may have been the subject of police-justified “crimes” may never know that they should be complaining about police conduct. If someone has been assaulted or threatened under these provisions, they may feel that they were the victim of a true criminal, rather than a justified criminal.

The press cannot scrutinize the conduct of the police in any meaningful way. Indeed, based upon the type of information that the annual reports contain—the limited information that is statutorily required—in my view, those reports do not provide sufficient information to Parliament to meaningfully review the necessity of these provisions, to determine whether resort to these provisions is being undertaken in an appropriate manner, or to determine the effect of these justified crimes upon members of the public.

In this sense, it remains the view of our organization that these provisions unacceptably place the police outside of the usual scheme of the rule of law.

3:50 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

Thank you, Mr. Copeland.

We'll have questions now.

Ms. Barnes, for seven minutes.

3:50 p.m.

Liberal

Sue Barnes Liberal London West, ON

Thank you.

Thank you very much for coming, Mr. Copeland.

On the reporting mechanisms that were set out in the legislation, the reason the limited information was there and you have so little is because it was supposed to not disclose any information that would compromise investigations or sensitive law enforcement identities, and it takes consideration of the life and safety of the people involved or whether it's going to be prejudicial to an ongoing legal proceeding or be in any other way that's contrary to public interest.

I understand what you're saying to us about limited information. Having the knowledge that is the rationale behind this section, how would you suggest that any of the information currently provided could be widened if these are the areas of concern? It's all well and good to say you don't get enough information, but if you don't come with some concept of a solution to that problem that doesn't compromise the very real reasons why that reporting mechanism was set up in this way, it isn't as helpful.

Do you have some suggestions of what we should be trying to do if we were going to do more, or do you concede that the rationale originally was well intentioned and probably correct for what it's intended to do?

3:50 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

Perhaps I can say this as a starting point. I recognize the concerns with respect to protecting ongoing police investigations and the identity of confidential informants. These aren't novel concerns raised by the justification provisions under the Criminal Code. These are concerns that are dealt with day in and day out in our criminal courts in relation to the obtaining of search warrants, the sealing of “informations” to obtain search warrants, the editing by the Crown with judicial oversight of those “informations” to protect ongoing investigations and to protect the identity of informers.

What does come out of reviews of “informations” to obtain search warrants, even relatively early in the stage of an ongoing criminal investigation, is much more information that becomes available to the public than is at all contained in these reports. Simply identifying that offences of a particular type under a particular statute were committed without any factual context provides, in my view, a completely inadequate basis for evaluating the justification for resort to those provisions. So while the reporting provisions have instruction in a way to protect certain information, what's left is really an entirely unhelpful report.

3:50 p.m.

Liberal

Sue Barnes Liberal London West, ON

Thank you very much for that answer.

The whole reason why we set up review provisions after we've enacted legislation, especially where we've heard what would be considered realistic concerns voiced by organizations such as yours, is that we want a period where it's in effect, and it's now been around four years.

I want to go along the same line of questioning that Mr. Hanger, our chair, was asking you. Your answer was you haven't heard anything officially from any jurisdiction that there is a concern on this section. Have you heard anything anecdotally, or is it just the potential for abuse of this section?

3:50 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

I haven't heard anything anecdotally; I haven't heard anything officially. As far as I'm aware, there aren't any judicial decisions at this point reporting on or considering the effect of these provisions.

3:50 p.m.

Liberal

Sue Barnes Liberal London West, ON

That's the main thing I was wondering about. Sometimes before there are cases coming out, lawyers are aware of these things and it's not out in the public domain yet. So that was my main concern.

Thank you very much.

3:50 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

Thank you, Ms. Barnes.

Mr. Ménard.

3:50 p.m.

Bloc

Réal Ménard Bloc Hochelaga, QC

Good day.

If I understand you correctly, you're opposed to these provisions on principle, since you admit that no specific cases of abuse have been brought to your attention. No court of law has ruled on the unconstitutionality of provisions of this nature. I can understand that as far as criminal lawyers are concerned, any justification regime that would allow people to commit a recognized criminal act is unacceptable.

However, when we met with senior officials from organizations responsible for law enforcement, they made it very clear to us that this justification regime had mainly been employed in conjunction with investigations involving infiltration techniques, specifically but not exclusively in fighting organized crime.

Basically, a parallel can be drawn with the situation of informers. They can pose a problem, democratically and even ethically and also from the standpoint of the healthy administration of justice. However, without informers or a justification regime, certain police investigations would never have produced any concrete results.

Would you go so far as to recommend that these provisions not be extended, or are you prepared to reconcile yourself to the fact that, even though you likely view them as a necessary evil, these provisions can prove be useful in connection with the conduct of investigations?

3:55 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

It would be my submission that the provisions should not be renewed in this broad form. While I recognize, particularly in the area of undercover operations relating to organized crime, there may be very specific concerns and needs that arise in those types of sensitive investigations, what we have instead is a very broad power that is not limited to undercover investigations, is not limited to the investigations of criminal organizations, and is not limited in terms of the types of offences that can be committed, except for the very narrow limitations contained in subsection 25.1(11).

I'm not sure I understood the initial portion of your question, but with respect to the permissibility of conduct that would otherwise constitute an indictable offence, it's not our position that anything that would constitute an offence cannot be justified and law enforcement shouldn't do it. It happens all the time with search warrants. Police officers who don't have a search warrant would be committing an offence if they walked into a private home and started taking property out of it. It happens--

3:55 p.m.

Bloc

Réal Ménard Bloc Hochelaga, QC

You have to agree though that this is somewhat different from search warrants. If a search warrant is executed in violation of a judge's orders, section 24 provides for the exclusion of evidence and can even result in a stay of proceedings. There are a number of legal precedents whereby evidence has been excluded because search warrants were improperly executed. I don't think comparing the improper execution of a search warrant to a legally authorized justification regime is a valid comparison.

I'd like to move right along to my second question, since the clock is running and our chairman is a stickler for time.

What additional safeguards would you like to see in place? Let's assume for the moment that no recommendation to do away with these provisions will be forthcoming, given that they are a useful law enforcement tool. What additional safeguards would you recommend? As you know, the regime provides for the designation of officials and their actions must be authorized by a senior official. Furthermore, as you know, the minister, or competent authority, must authorize their actions, except in case of emergency for a 24-hour period. What additional safeguards would you like to see in terms of resorting to this scheme?

3:55 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

Fundamentally, it's our view--and it's the reason I keep coming back to the search warrant comparison--that what raises the concerns are the manner in which justification is given, the manner in which the justification and intent for resorting to such conduct is recorded, and the scrutiny of resort to these provisions that the public is ultimately going to make.

The regime ought to be subject to judicial oversight. For example, in a large organized crime type of investigation, while the search warrant analogy isn't a perfect one, one could certainly, at a certain stage in the investigation, put information before a justice of the peace or a provincial court judge explaining the nature of the investigation and explaining why, in order to move further into the organization, one has to put an undercover officer in posing as a member of the gang or posing as an underworld individual--someone who, in order to have credibility, must be permitted to engage in certain types of conduct.

4 p.m.

Bloc

Réal Ménard Bloc Hochelaga, QC

Do I have any time remaining, Mr. Chairman?

4 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Art Hanger

You may have one very quick question.

4 p.m.

Bloc

Réal Ménard Bloc Hochelaga, QC

Could you be more explicit about how you plan to reconcile that? I'm not thrilled with the idea of judicial oversight. But at the same time, it's important to bear in mind the confidentiality of certain information. How do you reconcile judicial oversight with confidentiality. It's an interesting concept.

4 p.m.

Representative, Criminal Lawyers' Association

Peter Copeland

Judicial oversight is not irreconcilable with confidentiality. It happens very often in large, complex investigations that search warrants are obtained and the “informations” to obtain those search warrants are sealed and will remain sealed for a lengthy period of time--until the investigation is complete, until all the arrests have been made, until all the suspected proceeds of crime have been seized, until all the relevant evidence has been collected. Simply resorting to the usual provisions of the Criminal Code in relation to sealing, in relation to judicial oversight of disclosure of that information--the editing of sensitive information so that it's not made public until such time as it's not going to compromise the investigation--is the scheme that, in our view, would properly balance the interests of law enforcement against the right of citizens to have their interests protected and to hold the state accountable for its conduct, ultimately.