Mr. Chair, I wasn't blaming the committee. I was just making an observation.
Obviously, the question in front of this committee brings into sharp focus two crucially important human rights matters. The first is the right to be free from discrimination, including the ugliest manifestations of discrimination that arise through abuse and violence expressed as hate, which in far too many corners of our world continues to the extremes of mass atrocities, such as crimes against humanity and genocide. It is a very important and stark reminder less than one week after we have remembered and commemorated the horror of the Rwandan genocide and very much a reminder on my mind as I'm freshly back from having spent time in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh, which of course is all about a community that has had to flee because of hatred. There's no doubt that the online world, which continues to transform and grow virtually daily, has become a troubling front line in that reality of discrimination and hate.
The second is the right to freedom of expression, which is often referred to as the lifeblood of the human rights system. This is the right to hold, shape and share opinions and ideas, to engage with others and to take part in public debate. It is essential for so many reasons, including that free expression itself provides the avenues for exposing and addressing injustice and for evolving our understanding about society and democracy and the environment in a way that makes for a better world. Equally, there is no doubt the online world has been a very important and growing avenue for providing new possibilities for free expression.
On any given day, Amnesty International researchers, campaigners, advocates and our millions of activists and supporters worldwide are taking action to uphold both of these essential human rights, both of which, of course, are enshrined in numerous international treaties. In international law, the right to be free from discrimination is considered to be so fundamental that nothing ever justifies its abrogation.
The right to free expression is a right that is balanced in its very formulation. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights notes that it's a right that carries “special duties and responsibilities” and may therefore be subject to restrictions only if they are provided by law and are necessary for respect of the rights of others. The key word here is “necessary”.
I would suggest to you that this word and this question—restrictions on free expression that are necessary for the respect of the rights of others—go to the very heart of your work. Please do remember that word “necessary”, because if there is a cautionary lesson from the world of human rights protection, it is that restrictions and limitations of any kind on any right are always a slippery slope and governments are very quick to push the limits. Necessity is absolutely crucial.
The rise of hate-based and hate-fuelled discrimination is on the rise everywhere, often made easier—or at least more obvious—by the new and accessible channels the online world offers. Misogynistic racist hate has become a devastating phenomenon in almost all social media platforms. Amnesty International has drawn particular attention to that reality on Twitter through our major Toxic Twitter research project, which over the past two years has revealed how much online abuse and violence women are subjected to. This abuse and violence is exponentially worse for women of colour, LGBTI women, indigenous women and women from other marginalized communities. Like many indigenous organizations, faith groups and anti-racism campaigners, human rights organizations and others, we have repeatedly highlighted the many ways in which the hate and racism represented in white supremacy has also found a toxic home in the digital world. It is by no means limited to simply objectionable or offensive views, but is increasingly spilling over into hate-filled online discussions that stand in the background of threats against indigenous land defenders, and of course horrific acts of mass violence and killings such as in Christchurch, Pittsburgh, Sainte-Foy in Quebec, and Yonge Street in Toronto.
Let me wrap up with six very quick final comments and recommendations that I hope will shape your ongoing work here. First, it is commendable and important the Canadian Criminal Code does criminalize the incitement of hatred against a growing number of identifiable groups. That does not mean, of course, that from a human rights perspective protections against hate in Canada should in any way be considered to be full and complete. Rarely if ever does the criminal law offer the whole solution to any human rights challenge.
Second, given the rapid rise, in particular, of online hate and its increasingly devastating consequences, governments are compelled to look for further action including with respect to further tools for investigating, enforcing and imposing sanctions.
Third, hate, as we would all agree, is obviously a human rights issue that often leads to the most violent expressions of discrimination. In our country, human rights commissions have mandates that are grounded primarily in addressing discrimination. It is therefore intuitive and obvious to consider the role they could and should be playing in responding to this serious concern.
Fourth, any move to provide a mandate to human rights commissions, including the Canadian Human Rights Commission, to address online hate should be grounded in strong recognition of the vital importance of the right to be free from discrimination and the right to free expression, and the development of clear guidelines and criteria drawing on international human rights standards that would assist investigators and adjudicators in understanding and giving shape to the crucial interplay and relationship between those rights.
Fifth, given the tension between these two rights, the legal complexities in finding the right balance, and the rapid evolution in the nature and the reach of the online platforms involved, any move to provide a mandate to human rights commissions, for instance, must involve a very serious commitment to ensuring adequate resourcing to support the training, the expertise, the research, the outreach and the education that would be required.
Finally, changes to the role of the Canadian Human Rights Commission or any other human rights bodies with respect to online hate absolutely should go forward as part of wider approaches to tackling the growing concerns about online hate and fulfilling the need, still unaddressed in Canada, to develop a national action plan on gender-based violence, including through the ongoing development of a national anti-racism strategy and measures to respond to Islamophobia, anti-Semitism and other religious intolerance.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.