Let me go back and think about a whole-of-government approach. On the one hand, I would simply endorse many of the comments that Ms. Mithoowani has already remarked upon regarding section 13.
I wanted to clarify my invocation of the financial action task force implicitly linking online hate to the promotion of terrorism. While that will strike some folks as a stretch, I do want to bring a critical race lens to this analysis. Thus far, as we've been talking about online hate, we're really mostly talking about white supremacists and white extremist hate promulgation against minorities, racialized or religious ones.
In bringing a racial lens to this analysis, we have to ask ourselves whether or not we can also begin thinking about these online hate promoters as also promoting terrorism. That's why I bring up the special recommendations of the FATF. The FATF has a special category called designated non-financial businesses and professions in which there is no reference to social media organizations. I would simply suggest taking a look at that.
In terms of focusing on civil society grids, it's not my experience thus far in working with a number of Muslim civil society groups that there has been an inflation of attacks. What we do have, rather, is a better appreciation of how those attacks are understood and felt within the context, within a very thick, enriched context.
One of the limitations of law is that it has a tendency to flatten our experiences. Part of the challenge here and part of what we're trying to create at the institute in combatting Islamophobia is a thick narrative around what these attacks mean, how they're understood and how they resonate as hate.
I don't think that you get an inflation by reference to civil society groups in these communities. I think what you have is a racialized and particularized framework that gives meaningfulness to these attacks of hate and therefore allows us to bring them within the legibility of any legal framework.