Good afternoon. My name is Sonia Chopra. I received my Ph.D. in psychology, with an emphasis on psychology and law, from Simon Fraser in 2002. I've since worked as a litigation consultant in the United States for the last 15 years. In my role as a consultant, I assist attorneys in preparing for trials. I conduct mock trials, do witness preparation, and assist in jury selection, but I also do a number of post-trial interviews with jurors.
My dissertation research at Simon Fraser dealt with the experience of stress among Canadian jurors. Data was collected by interviewing former jurors. I was interested in how Canadian jurors' stress levels might compare to the levels of stress experienced by jurors in the United States, primarily because of two significant procedural differences between the two countries. The first is section 649 of the Criminal Code, which prevents jurors from discussing the content of their deliberations with anyone, even after the trial is concluded. By “anyone”, that means spouse, partners, mental health professionals, spiritual advisers. The content of deliberations is illegal for them to talk about, and it's illegal for anyone to ask about. Jurors in the United States are prohibited from discussing the case during trial. At the conclusion of the trial, they are generally free to speak with anyone but are told they don't have to speak with anyone.
From prior research on stress reactions, we know that social support is one of the key factors in reducing stress. Being able to talk about it, to debrief, being able to share your experiences, is one of the most effective ways to reduce stress levels, so it was expected that the ban on discussing deliberations among Canadian jurors would be a significant source of stress for them.
The second key difference in the two countries is the jury selection process. As you might be aware, in the United States, jurors are routinely questioned about their background, their life experiences, and their attitudes and beliefs as they relate to the nature of the trial. It's often specifically tied to the types of evidence they might hear or see, the images they might be expected to witness. Just as in Canada, jurors in the United States can be removed by either a peremptory challenge from the attorney or by a challenge for cause.
Some lawmakers in the United States, in talking about juror stress, have suggested that the jury selection process serves a role in weeding out jurors who may not be equipped to handle certain types of trials because of their own personal life experiences, mental health issues, or sensitivity to certain types of evidence.
As you know, in Canada the jury selection process involves very little questioning. If there is any questioning allowed at all, it's typically by the judge, and it often deals with exposure to pretrial publicity. Sometimes the nature of the case is mentioned, but not always, and jurors are rarely given a preview of what sort of evidence they can expect to see.
The results of my research are detailed in the brief that I submitted, and there's also another handout here that has some of the statistics. I'm happy to make a copy of my dissertation available electronically. I know there hasn't been an opportunity to get it translated yet, but I'm happy to do that for the committee.
In short, the primary findings are that two-thirds of the jurors I spoke with indicated they agreed with the statement, “I experienced stress as a result of my jury duty.” An even larger percentage, 84% of those I spoke with, agreed with the statement, “I think other jurors experienced stress as a result of their jury duty.” Nearly two-thirds of the jurors said that stress had an effect on the thinking of other jurors, and 48% felt that stress had an effect on the decision-making of jurors.
There were 40% who believed that something should have been done to address the stress that the jurors were experiencing. When asked for suggestions about what could be done, the most common responses had to do with providing post-trial debriefing; improving the juror conditions; providing more instructions about the decision-making process, their task as jurors, and their role; and expanding the breadth of questioning allowed during jury selection.
Jurors were asked about the sources of their stress. Seven of the top 10 sources of juror stress related to reaching a verdict and to the deliberations process. Again, this is relevant because of the restrictions under section 649 that prevent jurors from talking about this part of the process, which is often deemed the most stressful. Many jurors spoke out about the stress they encountered within deliberations, although we had to be very careful about it because I would be in violation of the law, and they would as well, if I had to delve too deeply.
It was very difficult during the data collection process, because there were some jurors who I could see were emotionally upset and wanted to talk, and I had to stop the inquiry. It was difficult for me just as a human being, much less as a researcher, to tell them, “Okay, you can't tell me about that.”
Several of the jurors hinted at problems with other jury members, suggesting that the jury selection process should allow for more thorough screening of potential jurors.
Jurors who had the highest levels of stress were significantly more likely to indicate that they found it necessary to talk to others about the distressing aspects of their jury duty. That said, even the majority of jurors who were not ranked as having high stress or having post-traumatic stress-like symptoms also wanted to talk about their experiences at the conclusion of the trial.
I rated jurors as high stress or low stress by a couple of different criteria, which are all outlined in the brief. One was looking at jurors who experienced symptoms associated with a diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder. The other was a summation of different levels of stress, so I have the PTSD, non-PTSD sub-sample, then the high-stress, low-stress sample.
Before I get into that, I want to highlight a couple of things.
I find that the data is interesting, but hearing from real jurors in actual quotes is much more impactful, so I want to highlight a couple of the responses that I heard from jurors describing the difficulty of the deliberation process.
“Conflicts in the deliberation room and the length of time exacerbated everyone's stress and made things difficult.”
“The deliberation room, that's where the stress began. The trial was fun.”
“I was just appalled with the jury. If there's a weak link, that's where it was.”
“Stress wasn't because of the trial; it was because of the other jurors.”
“Infighting with the jury was my only source of stress.”
“Deliberations were stressful for me and I'd been holding it in.”
“After the verdict, I was crying.”
“It should be talked about with someone who can effect changes or give guidance.”
“The dynamics of the group and the process, that's what caused my stress.”
Jurors talked about not being allowed to discuss the deliberations: “That's what's most stressful.” “You should be able to talk to a counsellor or a psychologist after because of the stress from jury dynamics and the pressure.”
Jurors talked about being sequestered and having to spend long amounts of time with relative strangers. They talked about how things like a certain person's laugh or their mannerisms would start to be stressful to them, and make it even more difficult. They said, “I got sick and tired of looking at them.” “It was very exhausting and stressful to be with a big, loud group for so long.” The deliberations and especially the sequestration process were difficult for them.
Going back to the jury selection process, some of the quotes were, “One person had repressed feelings about the past that came to light...it was left for us to sort out.” “Lawyers should ask questions...because you may get someone who can't decide because of their past.” One juror said, “I experienced a very strong reaction. I had a stress break and spent some time in hospital afterwards. It really shook me up...I wonder if there's a way to get a psychological profile of prospective jurors. I'm sure I'm not alone in the reaction I had, and it could have been avoided...there should be a brief questionnaire to screen people who have a heightened sensitivity.”
Then jumping back to what I was talking about before, jurors' stress and the need for discussion, you can see that 82% of jurors who are classified as having some levels of post-traumatic stress disorder said they found it necessary to talk to others about distressing aspects of their jury duty, and 91% of these individuals said that after the trial they felt the need to discuss their experiences.
There are similar numbers for those who are rated as high stress: 77% of high-stress jurors wanted to talk about distressing aspects of their jury duty, and 94% of those wanted to speak about it at the conclusion of the trial, but again, notably, even 67% of those who weren't rated as high stress wanted to discuss their experience.
Most of the respondents had no contact with the judge at the conclusion of their trial. I heard a lot jurors saying things like, “After all of this, weeks, months, they just sort of kicked us out on the street, and we didn't have any closure. We didn't know what we could expect in the future. We didn't know if what we were going through was normal and something to be expected.”
Of those who did not have have an opportunity to speak with the judge, 65% said that some sort of debriefing or the chance to just talk with the judge, aside from even mental health professionals, would have been helpful.
Juror commentary regarding the desire for post-trial debriefing was both prolific and compelling. Some of the quotes here were, “I was so surprised there was no debriefing. I was very upset with how it ended so abruptly. It was an intensive experience. We were treated as important, but immediately after the verdict, we were just hustled out.... I had lots of problems for the next week. I didn't sleep. I kept seeing the person's face...even now when I think about it.”
Another said, “I needed to debrief with somebody to talk about our experiences. ... I hadn't slept all night. I was so exhausted...being on Smithe Street with my luggage and trying to catch the bus, I felt so disoriented.”
Another said, “There could be more of a debriefing process once the case is closed. ... It comes to a close and you walk out onto the street with a lot still on your mind, still unresolved. ... You go home and you can't talk to your family.”
Another said, “I wish I had taken the names of the jurors, because I can only talk to them. I needed to be debriefed. There was no sense of closure. Even 10 years later, I still feel the need to talk about it.”
Another quote was, “We needed a professional to talk us down. ... We should have had some sort of counselling for the whole jury. It was the worst thing I ever imagined. The pictures were very traumatic. We all had PTSD afterwards.”
One juror described how she'd had a big dinner the weekend after she'd finished: “I had 20 people at my house. I had to go from this very serious business...and luckily my family members were helping me out, trying to lighten the mood. I really felt I needed someone to tell me, 'This is what you're going to experience', because I felt really awful. I felt sick inside. For a good week I felt awful. ... All I would have needed was a half hour or something, a handout, a resource, someone to say, 'If you feel this two weeks from now, you ought to call this number, and they'll just talk to you', just to know. We were treated as being special, and then the minute it was over, it was like, 'Hit the road'.”
There are a number of policy recommendations that could reduce the amount of stress experienced by Canadian jurors and provide mechanisms for faster resolution of stress that may be experienced. These are outlined in my submitted brief. They include a number of things, one of which is more comprehensive orientation. I know there's been a push toward having resources available at the end of the trial, and I think Mark is going to speak to some of this, but there's also a need to have more information given to jurors before the trial about what to expect, about trying to figure out if this is something they could handle or not, about what the process is going to be like and the potential for having stress reactions. Jurors want to know even simple things, such as where to park, what to wear, where to go for lunch. Uncertainty also increases stress levels unnecessarily.
Another recommendation is to make the juror experience more physically comfortable. Some of the jurors talked about the poor quality of the jury rooms they were in, about being locked in these windowless rooms with nothing to do, having no recommendations about where to eat, and the jurors' pay—it cost more to park downtown than they were getting paid, and then they couldn't buy lunch. If they're not getting paid by their employer, that can become a hardship on people who really want to serve and want to do their civic duty.
Another recommendation is around educating judges and sheriffs about juror stress and the symptoms and reactions. I think there's been a movement to educate judges, but educating those who are on the ground in the courtroom, those who have interaction with the jurors, would also be a beneficial step.
Debriefing by the judge should be routine, no matter what type of case. I think there's a misperception that only jurors who serve on gruesome murders or child cases experience stress, and that's not true. As I mentioned before, sometimes it can be a rather mundane case, but problems within the group dynamics or the deliberation room can also result in stress. Making it universal normalizes it so that jurors know it's okay to feel the way they do. It also makes sure we don't skip those jurors who may experience stress reactions but who are not on what we consider a high-profile or particularly gruesome trial.
Because of the time limitations, I want to focus very briefly on three of the more controversial policy changes that I recommend: modifying section 649 of the Criminal Code, expanding the scope of jury selection, and eliminating the requirement that jurors be sequestered.
I'm going to start with section 649. The rationale behind section 649's protection of juror secrecy is fourfold—to protect the finality of verdicts, to protect freedom of debate in the deliberation room, to protect jurors from harassment, and to promote public confidence in the jury system.
In the United States, there is federal rule of evidence 606(b). It addresses some of the same concerns, but as mentioned previously, jurors in the U.S. are free to talk about their experiences after the trial is over. There is, in fact, no empirical evidence to suggest that trials are overturned more in the United States because of juror commentary than they are anywhere else. In reality, in my experience—and I've been doing this for a number of years—it is incredibly difficult to get a verdict overturned because of something that happened in the deliberation room.
There are reported examples of jurors using cocaine in the deliberation room, and of drinking during the trial. Those did not result in an overturning of the jury verdict. It's only if a juror reports the influence of outside information coming into the deliberation room or if the jurors ignore or fail to follow the judge's instructions. Those are the only two instances in which they will even hear an appeal based on jury misconduct, and it's incredibly rare to have it granted.
Moving on to the second reason, protecting the sanctity of deliberations, there is an idea that if jurors think they're going to be questioned about their deliberations, they're not going to be honest in the deliberation room. Again, there's no empirical evidence to suggest that's the case. In the United States, jurors don't have the expectation that it's going to be secret, and there's nothing to suggest that their deliberations are any less robust than they are in Canada.
On the third reason, protecting jurors from harassment is easily accomplished by ethical rules guiding post-trial conduct with jurors. Attorneys are told that if they contact a juror and the juror doesn't want to talk to them, they are not allowed to go back multiple times to try to get permission to speak to the juror. No is no, one answer is enough, and you can be sanctioned if you don't.
As for public confidence in the jury system, I think this is the most ridiculous rationale for protecting juror secrecy. I think the reason the public often questions jury decision-making is that they don't know how the decision was made. You hear the public ask how this jury could have come to this conclusion; it's because they don't know what went on in the process. Often once they learn how the jury made their decision, there's a greater understanding of why that verdict made sense, at least in the United States.
Lastly, I think from a public confidence point of view, we have to protect our jurors. If we want jurors to continue to serve as jurors and to value the system, then we need to provide them with avenues to reduce the stress they're experiencing while they're serving, and also provide the opportunity to talk about it afterwards. We need to make improvements to the system, not only in terms of juror stress but also in terms of how the system operates, to help it become more efficient, and to help shorten the duration of any stress experiences jurors might have.
I would propose that section 649 be amended to allow jurors to have debriefing sessions that include discussion of the deliberation process, as well as to allow academic inquiry into the juror deliberation process.
The second main policy change that I recommend is to expand jury selection. Ascertaining whether or not jurors have life experiences, attitudes, or beliefs that would make them unsuitable as impartial triers of fact would also reduce stress by avoiding having a biased juror participate in deliberations and by avoiding jurors who are not mentally able to handle the evidence presented in court.
My last main policy change would be to remove the requirement that jurors be sequestered while deliberating. This was one of the most common reforms brought about in the United States following the jury reform movement of the mid-nineties. Jurors are not sequestered in the United States during any part of the proceedings, and from my interviews, that was one of the most stressful aspects of the jury service process. It's expensive, it's burdensome, and there's nothing to suggest it has any more impact in protecting the rights of the accused than allowing jurors to return home in the evenings.
Thank you.