Mr. Chair and members of the committee, let me first say that I sympathize with what MP Luc Berthold, his wife, Caroline Levesque, and their family have been going through since their son's death in February 2025. As someone who works with youth and families, I fully understand the desire to do something so that others won't have to experience what they did.
No one can oppose legislation that seeks to provide young people with better support at such a complex stage of development as adolescence. We all want the same thing: to protect young people before they get caught up in delinquent behaviour, develop addiction or become marginalized. However, it is crucial to keep in mind that establishing substance abuse as a risk factor or problem that requires treatment has to go hand in hand with careful expert assessment.
The reality is that most teens who are arrested are released on a promise to appear or summons. They will never have access to the comprehensive assessment that will inform the court as to the needs-based measures it should impose. That is the real problem, as far as I'm concerned.
It is equally important to keep in mind that we shouldn't just intervene quickly when substance use is the apparent problem. The needs of young people can be many and, in some cases, can go much deeper. They may have issues related to violence, sexuality, the development of empathy, trauma, mental health, rejection, attachment or distress. Substance abuse can be the visible symptom of a much more complicated feeling of unease. That is precisely why it's important to be able to quickly and carefully identify what the young person in question really needs in their specific circumstances. The goal should not be to target one type of problem that a treatment program can address. Rather, it should be to make comprehensive assessments available, so that the issues truly jeopardizing the young person's well-being and development can be addressed.
In my private criminology practice, I work with young people and families during a crucial period, one the system often overlooks: the time between the arrest—ideally, the first arrest—and the court hearing. This period can last a while. The families are often at a loss. Parents don't understand the court proceedings or the conditions imposed on their child. The young person is often under the misguided belief that their life is over because of the criminal charges. Without immediate support, structured help, or a risk and needs-based intervention plan, what happens all too often is the parent-child relationship starts to crumble, the young person offends again and the delinquent trajectory worsens.
Young people often say to me, “Angy, if you weren't there, I would feel like my life was over.” Some young people use this time to reflect, go back to school, start treatment or show the court that they feel a real sense of responsibility.
Ethically, what I have a very tough time with is that these services are primarily available in the private sector. The families that get specialized support are usually the ones who can afford it. Young people's needs should never depend on how much money their family has. In fact, research on juvenile delinquency shows that poverty and social inequality are major risk factors for adolescent delinquency, especially when coupled with social exclusion, a failure to remain in school, chronic family stress, and limited access to supports and prevention resources.
At this point, I wonder whether the solution lies in changing the legislation or, rather, understanding and implementing existing provisions in the Youth Criminal Justice Act, or YCJA.
The YCJA already provides a number of intervention options. Under the YCJA, before sentencing, the court can impose conditions and order follow-up measures tailored to the young person's needs. Section 91 stipulates that a young person may be released from custody in order to participate in a specified program or attend a treatment program. The court can order therapy programs or outpatient treatment. The problem is there aren't enough resources. There aren't enough expert assessments. There aren't enough community-based services. Above all, the measures aren't fully utilized. Legislative tools exist, but they are underutilized.
One that comes to mind is the convening of conferences provided for in section 19 of the YCJA. Those conferences allow for an interdisciplinary approach that can inform court decisions, but they are hardly used.
Keep in mind as well that Quebec usually addresses these situations from a health and social services standpoint, whereas other provinces take an approach that is more corrections or facility-based. Those different approaches directly influence the practices and interventions used, and the way the system deals with young people.
Studies on juvenile delinquency, however, demonstrate the importance of early intervention, in accordance with the principles of timeliness, accumulation and diversification of risk factors. The earlier the intervention, the greater our chances of preventing the accumulation of difficulties that will eventually lead to persistent criminality in adulthood.
The question, then, may not be solely how to compel a youth to undergo treatment, but rather how to ensure that, upon the first offence, a youth has rapid access to specialized assessment, care and appropriate resources.
We can add as many provisions as we like to a law, but if the resources aren't there, if specialized assessments aren't accessible, if families are left on their own for months, and if community stakeholders don't feel supported to intervene quickly, our mission today will not be achieved.
The youth's well-being must remain at the heart of judicial and social considerations. To achieve this, we must invest just as much in the practical implementation of existing measures as in the legislative amendments themselves.
In closing, I would like to return to the basics. Behind this bill lies immense human suffering. The loss experienced by MP Luc Berthold and his family serves as a powerful reminder of what brings us all here today: No parent should have to wonder whether their child could have been helped sooner.
I firmly believe that this collective effort should lead us to an important question: Do we really need to introduce more new legislative measures, or should we first ensure that the tools, resources and mechanisms already in place can finally be made quickly available to youth and families?
On the ground, practitioners are already seeing teenagers who want to understand what is happening to them, parents desperately seeking help, and families falling apart due to delays, a lack of services and a failure to provide care.
We already know that early intervention can change the course of a young person's life. We know that a young person's needs are many, complex and often invisible at first glance. We know that leaving a teenager alone with their distress for months increases the risks of relapse, disorder and exclusion.
Our collective responsibility today might not be simply to create more provisions, but above all to ensure that, at the first warning sign, a young person can truly access specialized assessment, concrete resources and adults capable of supporting them before the situation deteriorates. Beyond legislation, a rapid response, the quality of human connection and real access to services are often what alter a trajectory.
Thank you for your attention and for the importance you will give to these considerations and this testimony.