Perfect.
Thank you for the invitation.
As usual, I will make my presentation in English, but it will be my pleasure to answer your questions in either official language.
I provided a written submission with more detail, but I will just get some of the basics out of the way.
The Canadian Forces has eight missions. Of these, the five missions that involve continental defence and international missions have a force structure associated with them. Then there are three other missions that don't have a basic force structure and fundamentals. On the domestic side, only search and rescue has a significant force structure. The two mandates that don't have a force structure are assistance to civil authorities for law enforcement and the provision of assistance to civil authorities in non-governmental departments to respond to international and domestic disasters or major emergencies.
From that, I think you can infer that the Canadian Armed Forces has, let's say, a distinctly ambiguous attitude towards domestic employment. There are hardly any forces dedicated to it except for the disaster emergency response team. Then you have the army reserve, which has 10 domestic response companies and four Arctic response groups. Those are plagued by high turnover. Therefore, the general philosophy is that disaster and emergency relief missions can be carried out by troops trained for conventional warfare.
You have heard a lot about the fact that somehow the Canadian Armed Forces is over-tasked or particularly stretched with domestic operations. I would say that if you look at some of the data that I've provided over the last 30 years or so, most of these operations are short and they involve a limited number of people, primarily surge capacity by the general forces and lift capacity by the Royal Canadian Air Force. There are elements that were stressed, such as the health services, during the pandemic, but I would say the Canadian Armed Forces has been managing with the capacities that they have.
The debate is whether this detracts from combat readiness. Wouldn't it be better to have a civilian agency? If the CAF retains the mission, it should create a specialized force structure.
The broader context of this is, of course, not just disaster response. It's also the ability for civil defence, because we live in a dangerous world, so we need to have a capacity for deterrence and resilience that can also signal to our adversaries that it's not worth their while to attack Canada, because we have a civil defence capability. Several countries in Europe have gone back to much more robust capabilities.
How did the Canadian Armed Forces end up with the civil defence domestic component to begin with?
In the late 1940s, there was a big debate about whether the Canadian Armed Forces should even be doing or be allowed to do domestic missions. In the early 1950s, the Canadian Armed Forces decided to take on these missions because doing so effectively allowed them a bigger force structure during peacetime than would otherwise be the case.
There are important economies of scale associated with this. For instance, it takes a lot of time and money to train a pilot, so if you have the search and rescue capability, as well as the regular Royal Canadian Air Force mandate, then that means you have considerable economies in the organization, both for the equipment—that is to say, the rotary and the fixed-wing equipment—and in the ability to train your pilots so they can get their flying hours and so forth. There is a significant economy of scale here.
I am concerned that we do, I think, need a dedicated force structure for this. I previously proposed that this might be about 2,000 people, perhaps primarily the Royal Canadian Air Force, since they provide much of the lift capacity, and a reserve component of perhaps another 1,000 people who can work on disaster response, but when they're not needed for disaster response, they can assist with development, in particular of indigenous communities in the far north. I think there is a permanent domestic mandate to be had by the organization.
I'll just conclude on a couple of points.
One is that I think one of the things we have here is that we can learn from the response to the pandemic that the armed forces need to be considering just how far they can go in assigning a core role to the primary reserves without the government first addressing some of the reserve problems. The armed services should be asking themselves what their core role can be, left without a permanent formation and an occupational structure to support it.
The armed services need to consider how to address the intelligence fiasco and the long-standing need to develop and implement a domestic intelligence policy. That is to say that I think the pandemic showed the Canadian Armed Forces that this was the dry run for the big one, when you will have significant demands on the armed forces far beyond what we saw here. That could come in the form of a much bigger domestic emergency or the combination of a domestic emergency, continental emergency and international, regional emergency in terms of stress.
My concern here, and I will close on this, is the moral hazard that we currently have. All Canadians need to have a signal that they need to be involved in the domestic defence and resilience of the country. This is not something we can just give to an organization and pretend that we're done with it. This is the attitude that we take to the Canadian Armed Forces—that the Canadian Armed Forces is a job for people who go off and train—rather than seeing this as a whole-of-society approach that we need to take to domestic response and resilience.
The other concern I have is the long-standing problem of making sure that provinces invest adequately in critical infrastructure. The Canadian Armed Forces is effectively a moral hazard that they can fall back on, because under the Crown prerogative, it is the executive of the day who decides how to deploy the Canadian Armed Forces. There are very few constraints. Canada has perhaps the fewest constraints of any democratic country on how it deploys its armed forces. We need to send a clear message to the provinces that we can't use the armed forces so that they can underinvest in critical infrastructure.
The precedent here is how the Canadian Armed Forces and the militia were used for law enforcement in the early 20th century. Essentially, the militia got out of that mandate by going to a cost-recovery mechanism that effectively made it cheaper for provinces to run their own police forces. We need to work on a much more systematic cost-recovery model when we deploy.