Evidence of meeting #46 for Natural Resources in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was technologies.

A recording is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Pierre Desrochers  Director, Institute for Management and Innovation, University of Toronto Mississauga, As an Individual
Brady Yauch  Executive Director, Consumer Policy Institute
Michelle Brownlee  Director, Policy, Smart Prosperity Institute
Brent Gilmour  Executive Director, Quality Urban Energy Systems of Tomorrow
David Popp  Professor, Syracuse University, As an Individual
Bryan Watson  Managing Director, CleanTech North

3:30 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

Good afternoon, everybody.

We have 10 minutes set aside for committee business at the outset. There are three things to discuss, all on a preliminary basis.

One is the PDAC conference, starting on Sunday, March 5. We've received word back that PDAC is going to put on something on the Sunday for all members of Parliament, but it's going to be focused on natural resource issues, obviously with a focus on the members of this committee. Anybody who wants to go is free to do so. After that you're on your own—from a committee perspective, anyway.

Second, we have received word back from the Liaison Committee. They have looked at our preliminary travel budget proposal and have asked us to come back to submit a detailed travel budget proposal to be reviewed at the next Liaison Committee meeting on March 9, which is Thursday of the first week we're back after break week.

You should have a two-page document before you, with some numbers put together by our analyst and clerk for the eastern and western portion of the travel proposal we discussed earlier, which went before the Liaison Committee. We had to do up the proposal we submitted on the basis of a range, which we did, of between $100,000 and $150,000. This one comes in significantly lower, for a total of about $84,000.

What I propose, rather than getting into it today, is to let people take time to look at it and make some suggestions over the course of the next week. When we come back on Tuesday March 7, we'll set aside some time for committee business that day to deal with and finalize it so we can get it to the Liaison Committee the following day, the Wednesday, so they can consider it on the Thursday.

T.J.

3:30 p.m.

Liberal

TJ Harvey Liberal Tobique—Mactaquac, NB

I have a quick question.

If you look at the totals in this and at the accommodations, and if take Yellowknife, Calgary, Fort McMurray, and Vancouver, this breaks it down to $200 per night, for a subtotal of $400. It doesn't multiply it by the number of people on the committee. Why is that?

3:30 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

That's an excellent question. To be honest with you, I haven't looked at this myself yet.

We'll look into that and try to fine-tune it.

Is there anything else before we move on from that item?

John.

3:30 p.m.

Conservative

John Barlow Conservative Foothills, AB

I don't want to keep this going too long, but I want to point out to everyone that I don't think we're going to support the travel. We didn't travel for the oil and gas, mining, and nuclear study, and $100,000.... It's going to be higher than this—that was a good pickup by T.J.—

3:30 p.m.

A voice

For both.

3:30 p.m.

Conservative

John Barlow Conservative Foothills, AB

—for both, exactly.

It's going to be closer to $100,000. I don't think we need to do that for this study. I think the information we're going to get from our witnesses will be fine if we receive it here. I don't think we need to travel. You guys can take a look at it, but I don't think we'll be supporting it.

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

Okay.

Is there anybody else?

Michael.

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

Michael McLeod Liberal Northwest Territories, NT

Accommodations in Yellowknife...? I take it we're staying in a bed and breakfast? That's pretty low for accommodations in Yellowknife. I think you underestimate it.

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

Okay.

Could anybody who identifies any other perceived errors or anything they want to add or amend or change or delete email me and our clerk as early next week as possible so that this can be revised, so that we can consider it on the Tuesday?

The last thing is, it appears that the minister is able to join us on April 6, so that date will be put into our calendars.

Unless there's any other business, I propose that we bring the witnesses in and get going.

We'll suspend for a few minutes.

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

Good Thursday afternoon, everybody. We have three witnesses who have joined us for the first hour. I would like to thank them first of all.

First, we have Pierre Desrochers, director at the Institute for Management and Innovation, University of Toronto, Mississauga. Next, from the Consumer Policy Institute, we have Brady Yauch, executive director; and from the Smart Prosperity Institute, Michelle Brownlee, director of policy, joins us. Thank you to the three of you for joining us.

We'll give each of you up to 10 minutes to make an initial presentation and then we're going to open the floor to questions. We do run on a schedule here. The first segments for questions will start at seven minutes each and then get reduced as the hour goes on.

Without further ado, I'll open the floor and I'll leave it to the three of you to decide who would like to start us off.

3:35 p.m.

Dr. Pierre Desrochers Director, Institute for Management and Innovation, University of Toronto Mississauga, As an Individual

Okay.

Thank you for having me. As mentioned, my name is Pierre Desrochers.

I'm here to present remarks that reflect only my opinion and those of my co-author Joanna Szurmak, who is also from U of T.

I usually don't begin my talks like this, but I would like to point out that I was contacted last Thursday morning and that Joanna and I spent a few sleepless nights producing a 20-page document that we obviously didn't have time to translate. You have the executive summary of what we wrote—it has been translated—but I would be grateful if the material that we produced could be included in the documentation of this committee.

The mandate you gave us was fairly broad. I figured that as an academic the best thing I could contribute would be a few conceptual thoughts. I would like to go over my main points using the images that were sent to you. You should all have a copy.

To be honest, the paper that I've sent to you and my remarks are somewhat of a fundamental challenge to the Natural Resources Canada paper that we were sent. What I want to argue in my presentation is that a lot of the concepts that were put forward in that document can be challenged on a number of counts. Basically, what I want to argue is that they ignore the historical reality of spontaneous cleaner technology development in the market, and that much historical evidence suggests that getting the government involved in trying to promote cleaner practices among businesses is likely to backfire.

The first image that you have is of one of the first computers, the ENIAC, the Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer. As you can see, it filled a room about the size of this one. It weighed over 30 tons and consumed a lot of electricity and had something like 18,000 vacuum tubes. All you could do with it was long division.

Needless to say, I chose that example because it's the most obvious one that shows how, in competitive markets, people produce ever more useful output using ever fewer inputs. The laptop I have next to me, which weighs almost nothing, is in computing capacity far beyond what the people who developed the ENIAC could have thought of.

The point I want to make here is that this is not something that is limited to the computing sector. Thus, the third image that you have illustrates how people in the agricultural sector, and thus natural resources, produce ever more output using ever less input over time. The image on top of the chart has some corn on it, and to the left, the tiny little thing is the original ancestor of corn, teosinte. The numbers below indicate how much more corn we produce on a piece of land today than 100 years ago. In a part of Canada such as southern Ontario, we produce something like seven times more corn and seven times more useful animal and human feed on the same piece of land than was the case a century ago. We feed many more people using much less resources.

The chart that follows indicates that this has been true throughout the agricultural sector. This shows data from the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations. Today we produce roughly three times more chicken meat using the same amount of animal feed as a few decades ago and roughly three times more dairy products than was the case using the same amount of input a number of decades ago. Competitive pressure, technological change, better feed, and better animal care spontaneously results in firms becoming more eco-efficient over time.

Obviously, this occurred in a context that was strictly economic. People did not improve their environmental performance because of environmental concerns but because it made good business sense to do so. This is referred to as the materialization of our economies: doing more with less by creating a lot more value using a lot less input.

Another academic concept, at the top of the page following, is best illustrated by a smartphone. I'm glad to see a lot of grey hair today—no offence—because you need grey hair to understand how much value is created by a smartphone today and recall all the technology, all the steel, the pulp and paper, plastic, metals, and other material that would have been required a number of decades ago.

Again, spontaneously, just because it made good economic sense, we developed over time increasingly greener practices in order to save money.

Another example of business being spontaneously green without any government prodding is shown by the development of kerosene. It's a nice Canadian story that is not known by enough people. As you may know, in the 19th century people used to go to the Canadian Arctic and to the Antarctic and other places to hunt whales. That's because especially sperm whale oil was the best illuminant available at the time. It gave you a brighter light with less smoke and no smell, which were all problems you would get if you tried to burn pork fat or various types of vegetable oil.

Obviously, though, it's not because whales were renewable that their management was sustainable, and so over time, as the whale population decreased, the price of whale oil went up, because it was, again, the best illuminant at the time.

Then a Canadian stepped in. I don't know how many of you are familiar with Abraham Gesner. He's buried in Halifax. He was the real pioneer in the development of kerosene out of petroleum, which proved to be a valuable substitute for whale oil, and so he should be given more credit for saving the whales than Greenpeace.

The problem with kerosene is that, if you know anything about the oil industry, kerosene is more or less in the middle of the barrel. There is lighter stuff on top, which was thrown out and burned; there's heavier stuff at the bottom, which was thrown in rivers or burned, and it was causing a lot of pollution. Over time, however, valuable uses were found for these polluting waste products. In the upper fraction there was something called gasoline, with which you might be familiar, which was a waste not too long ago. Then, of course, we managed to create value out of what was a polluting waste product.

The lower fraction had things such as asphalt. Remember that when Gesner was around, roads were not paved, so again a source of pollution was spontaneously turned into a valuable product. Wealth was increased and pollution was decreased. People became wealthier, while the environment became cleaner at the same time. This pattern of developing valuable outputs out of pollution can be observed in any industry.

What you see on the slide showing “Chicago Union Stockyards 1924” is all the uses that were developed for waste products out of livestock. At one time only the meat and the leather were valuable; everything else was thrown away. When people were throwing it into rivers, significant pollution problems resulted; people got sick because of it. With the rise of the railroads, however, and the concentration of production in places such as the Chicago stockyards, everything but the squeal became a valuable byproduct.

What you have on this slide is the list of all the things that were manufactured in the early 20th century out of animal waste, which was once a source of pollution. Of course, many of these were later replaced by plastic, but still nothing is wasted today in that field.

On the next slide, to stick to the natural resource theme, we see that much more value is created out of wood today than was the case a number of decades ago. One of my colleagues likes to joke that we now live in houses made out of glue rather than out of wood, but that's again because a lot of sawdust and other types of waste that were problematic at one time were turned into valuable byproducts, again strictly for economic reasons, not to save the environment, not because of government regulation, not because of government taxes.

On the next slide, you see one of the most tangible results of all of this spontaneous innovation. You have four maps of the United States. The darker parts are the U.S. forest cover.

What you have in 1620 is what we think the forest cover looked like at the time. In 1850, in the top righthand one, you can see that people are moving along waterways and are settling in the most suitable areas. Then by the 1920s, with the railroad going everywhere, the low point of the U.S. forest cover is reached. But the forest, as you can see on the bottom right side, has rebounded tremendously since then.

I would argue that this was not because of deliberate governmental policies but because business managed to create value out of waste, and increasingly, valuable things were created from resources that came from underground rather than from the surface. Again we have good, spontaneous green results without any government prodding.

That's the first set of ideas that I wanted to throw at you.

The next slide refers to the precautionary principle. This underlies much of the vision that was in the Natural Resources Canada document. The precautionary principle says that we should not go ahead without absolute certainty. What my co-author and I argue in the paper is that this is not a sustainable way to look at risk in the natural resource sector.

Basically, what we argue is that a better way to look at development should be the creation of lesser problems than those that existed before. This is how we should look at all technologies that are labelled as green today. Often they create, I would argue, more problems than those that existed before. It's not because they're based on renewable energy sources that they are necessarily more sustainable.

If you look at the document that you don't have, you will see that we spent a fair amount on the precautionary principle and on explaining why we believe it is not a good guide to policy. On slide 13, another way to look at this is shown. You see Newton about to be hit by the apple.

Again, there might be problems in developing new technologies, but we argue that the historical record shows that there have been more benefits than problems. You should keep in mind that refusing to try to improve technologies will leave significant problems as significant problems, whereas technological progress has a very good record of creating lesser problems than those that existed before.

Now, the document you sent me also wants the government to do a lot of things, but what I point out is that the government is already doing a lot that is highly questionable: promoting inefficient use of resources, spending money on things that individuals would not spend their own money on, such as ethanol. We could discuss wind and solar power if you want, which, I would argue, create more problems than they solve and only exist because of government subsidies. Perhaps doing less in that context would be actually the way to go, if you want business to spontaneously behave in a more sustainable fashion.

3:50 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

I'm going to have to ask you to wrap up very soon.

3:50 p.m.

Director, Institute for Management and Innovation, University of Toronto Mississauga, As an Individual

Dr. Pierre Desrochers

Yes, I'm done in 30 seconds.

Two slides following the Newton slide, the Porter hypothesis is discussed in context. I would argue that the idea has been around for a century and a half. There is no evidence for it. Government has never been able to force business to become greener by designing good regulations.

What I would suggest instead, if you want to promote greener practices, is to eliminate market distortions. Look at the way business was spontaneously prodded to become greener in the past and so give no subsidies; hold them responsible for their actions but let them be free to innovate; and don't consider the Porter hypothesis and the precautionary principles as policy guidelines.

3:50 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

Thank you.

I should have mentioned at the outset that there are headsets available. Feel free to speak in either official language; also, you will be asked questions in both.

3:50 p.m.

Brady Yauch Executive Director, Consumer Policy Institute

First I want to thank the members of this committee for the opportunity to provide my insight and thoughts on the proposed study.

We've provided a brief background of my work and that of the Consumer Policy Institute, the Toronto-based organization of which I am the executive director.

The organization's overriding mandate is to advocate for the rights of consumers, ensuring that they receive reliable services at the lowest cost, particularly within public service institutions. In recent years we have focused primarily on Ontario's energy sector, which has been transformed under increasingly active political management. I've appeared many time before Ontario's energy regulator, the Ontario Energy Board, as well as in many media outlets.

Let me be clear at the outset of this study that the term “clean energy” to me is a loaded one and assumes that technologies labelled “clean” have no environmental impact. There's ample evidence showing this to be demonstrably untrue; nonetheless, I urge this committee to look no further than Ontario for a clear presentation of the dangers of getting it wrong when it comes to clean energy policy.

Over the past decade and a half, Ontario has embarked on one of the most aggressive clean energy policies not just in Canada but anywhere in the world. As part of Ontario's clean energy push, Queen's Park undertook a number of dramatic policies, including the forced closure of the province's coal plants, subsidizing industrial wind turbines and solar panels to the tune of tens of billions of dollars, over-ruling the rights of local municipalities, and undermining and ultimately destroying the province's electricity market by providing guaranteed rates to favoured renewable energy generators.

The result of those policies for Ontario consumers, businesses, and the province's energy sector has been a disaster. The average household ratepayer in Ontario has seen the cost of power increase in some cases as much as 155% over the past decade. That's nearly eight times the rate of inflation this province has seen. Many customers in Ontario have seen the fastest rate of hydro bill increases of any jurisdiction in North America. In just the last two years, the price of power that we pay during so-called peak hours has increased by nearly 30%, or more than 10 times the rate of inflation.

These dramatic price increases have seen hydro bills transform into one of the leading concerns among Ontario residents, leapfrogging concerns about traditional government services such as health care and education. The provincial government now finds itself facing unhappy ratepayers at every turn.

Utility bills, which were often considered a fairly boring and benign topic, are now front and centre in dinner table conversations across this province. The policies implemented in Ontario have seen many households struggle to pay their monthly bill. Across Ontario the number of homes behind on their hydro bills has increased by 20% from 2013 to 2015. The number of low-income households—those who are already struggling to get by—that are behind in their hydro bills has increased by more than 40% over that time.

Businesses both large and small have warned that these rate increases are making them uncompetitive. Just this past December, for example, an Ontario-based manufacturer with more than 200 workers cited soaring hydro rates as the main reason to expand its operations in the U.S. rather than in Ontario. There are many other similar stories.

In recent years the province has tried to ease public concern over soaring hydro bills by issuing a number of band-aid solutions, but unlike a traditional Band-Aid, which helps a wound heal, these Band-Aids provided no healing, as they often came in the form of rebates that didn't address the real reason for soaring hydro rates. At one point these rebates were simply moving more than a billion dollars annually out of general revenues to subsidize hydro rates. Taxpayers were bailing out ratepayers.

In short, Ontario's soaring electricity prices, which are a direct result of its energy policies, have imposed an unprecedented burden on households and businesses and have garnered thousands of headlines.

I hope this crisis will be top of mind for this committee when it writes its report on trying to de-risk the cost of clean energy. If de-risking means tabling generous subsidies in an effort to support the renewable energy industry, Ontario offers a precautionary tale on what not to do. Transferring risk from the companies receiving those subsidies to the consumers who ultimately have to pick up the tab is a poor policy no matter which way you look at it.

But Ontario's renewable energy experiment holds another crucial lesson, for both policy makers and the resource sector. That lesson is that the power market as a whole has been systematically destroyed in Ontario. The electricity sector has become a playground for political machinations, not the economic management of an essential service, and the reason the market was destroyed is largely that misguided energy policies were applied.

When Ontario Hydro went bankrupt in the late nineties, Ontario attempted to move itself towards a market-based system of power. That was a model that had worked successfully in jurisdictions around the world. A competitive and well-regulated market would match the supply of power to that of demand and take the politics out of the whole sector.

The market reforms introduced in the wake of the breakup of Ontario Hydro were intended to ensure that generators, industrial users, and small energy consumers would make decisions on energy production and consumption based on real market principles, signals, and environmental laws. The province would focus on regulating the energy sector, not micromanaging it.

Under this market-based system, competition and efficiency, hallmarks of well-regulated and functioning markets around the world, would be the norm. Consumers would benefit from lower prices—if possible—and the industry as a whole would remain financially viable and avoid the need for public handouts and bailouts.

To this day, we need look no further than Ontario's natural gas sector, which is regulated by the same regulatory body that oversees the electricity sector, to see these principles in action. Gas customers have paid reasonable prices, have received reliable gas service and, more important, have done so without any public subsidies or ratepayer subsidies.

In the electricity sector, these principles were undermined by a politically driven push for clean technologies at any cost. Federal legislators should not want to see this play out across Canada. Queen's Park ultimately took it upon itself to use the legislature to set prices. In doing so, it offered lucrative contracts to produce non-fossil-fuel energy in Ontario and downplayed the cost of these contracts to the public.

The politically determined gold rush for so-called clean energy saw market dynamics completely undermined. The supply of energy ballooned, but so too, thanks to these subsidies, did the cost of that energy. The result was a soaring of electricity rates in a time of shrinking demand: the exact opposite of what would occur in any well-functioning market.

The system has become so perverse that businesses, industries, and households across this province are now paying some of the highest electricity rates in Canada for power that is, at many hours of the day, worthless by any market criterion. The province, realizing that the sector as it's currently being managed is unsustainable, is now looking for a way out.

We hope that Ontario serves as an example to this committee of how de-risking the clean energy industry through a barrage of subsidies can have perverse side effects. The best move that federal legislators could make would be to allow the benefits of competition and markets that have served Canadians so well, in so many other areas of the economy, to be the driving force behind clean energy adoption in the resource sector. The government's best role is to regulate the market, ensuring that it's fair and enlightened, not to micromanage it.

Thank you.

3:55 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

Thank you very much.

Ms. Brownlee.

3:55 p.m.

Michelle Brownlee Director, Policy, Smart Prosperity Institute

Thanks for having me here today to speak with you.

I'm going to share with you some of the the Smart Prosperity Institute's findings on clean innovation in Canada. We've spent about two and a half years looking at this issue specifically. We held a conference in Calgary with academia, business, and various stakeholders. We've done our literature survey and our grey literature survey, and a series of targeted and structured interviews with experts in this space, largely from Canada but also outside of Canada, from various parts of the “clean innovation ecosystem”, as we call it.

We will be releasing the first report that includes our findings later this spring. I'd be happy to share it with you in early April, but in the interim I'm going to give you highlights of some of the things we're finding in our work.

I should remind you that Smart Prosperity Institute, in case you're not familiar with us, is a think tank here at the University of Ottawa. We are research based and evidence based. We look to see what we can find from the evidence out there and we draw conclusions from that.

What we've found in clean innovation is this. Increasingly, the world is looking for clean innovation. There is a market demand for these things. Economic rewards will flow to those nations and firms that embrace the new thinking necessary for improving our economic strength and simultaneously protecting our environment. These clean innovation opportunities permeate the entire economy. They're not just in one sector or some sectors. They're giving rise to new industries and at the same time rewarding traditional industries, such as the natural resource sectors, for making existing products more efficiently in a lower-carbon way. Also, they're creating altogether new products from this.

The world is rapidly moving this way, so Canada can't afford to fall behind. If we do, we will lose the opportunity to have market share in export markets. This is true both in terms of meeting our national environmental objectives and the objectives we've set in international agreements and in terms of seizing this as an economic opportunity. We think you can position Canada and the “made in Canada” brand as one that really could have economic credibility and could seize some economic market share in export markets by developing our products, whether they're goods, services, or commodities, in the most resource-efficient and low-carbon way possible. They will be rewarded for that.

Generally, there is the thought that countries innovate best around what they already do well, and—

4 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

May I ask you to slow down just a bit for the interpreters? They're having a bit of difficulty.

4 p.m.

Director, Policy, Smart Prosperity Institute

Michelle Brownlee

Yes. I'm sorry.

Generally, countries innovate best around what they already do best. That's where you tend to be your most innovative. For Canada, because we do a pretty good job in natural resources as it is, there's a huge opportunity for us to create market value and new opportunities by innovating in that space. We're not there yet, and we have to figure out why.

That's the question we've been asking over the past two and a half years: why are we not there yet? We've looked at what we call the “clean innovation ecosystem”—all the players at all the stages of tech development in clean innovation in Canada. That includes natural resources, but it includes some other sectors too. What we've found is that to improve Canada's environmental and economic performance here, it will require addressing a double market failure.

I will share a bit of economic theory here in terms of double market failure. There's a knowledge spillover that occurs whenever you're creating new ideas. If you create a new idea, the market can grab it up, but you're not able to capture all the benefit of that idea. That's true of all types of innovation. It's not unique to clean innovation at all. What's unique to clean innovation is that you're creating something that doesn't have a market value. If you're creating a commodity that has a lower environmental footprint, the market doesn't care. It cares about that commodity, not the fact that there's a version of that commodity that has a lower environmental footprint. That's an environmental externality, which we call a market failure.

This is what's unique about clean innovation. You have the regular market failure around a knowledge spillover, but you have this special and kind of unique market failure around there not being a market or around a market not recognizing the full value of the cleaner thing you're producing. That's unique. As a a result, there's a unique role for government in this space, and that is to make the market work well, not to direct the market, not to tell it what to do, and not to tell anyone what to do, but to create a field in which the market can work well on its own and private investors and private business can then work efficiently.

The problem is that these market failures translate to risk for business. This goes to your question about de-risking the sector. Perhaps the most important role for government is de-risking the policy risk. Because it's a unique situation in clean innovation, where you have a double market failure, there's a role for government to step in and help create that market demand for the cleaner technologies. It means that entrepreneurs, investors, and researchers are relying on government's actions to help create the demand for their products and services.

If there's uncertainty around a government's environmental policy agenda, including what policies it will put in place, how those policies will evolve, or how resilient they are in terms of political change, that translates into uncertainty in the market. This policy risk leads to underinvestment in clean innovation. It's a problem that only government can solve.

The key, though, is to intervene in smart ways, not to direct anything, but to create a situation where the market works well. Through our two and a half years of work, we've found that there are four areas where policy is needed.

The first has to do with creating policies that address those challenges around the creation of new ideas. That's the stuff focused on R and D, the policies that get the great ideas out of the government labs and the post-secondary institutions and harness them. There's a second set of policies that helps to create that market demand for clean innovation and cleaner commodities; pricing carbon is a great step in the right direction, but there are other things as well. There is a set of policies that we need to help grow companies to a bigger size, to help commercialize them and get them to scale so that they can compete and export. Finally, there are some kinds of crosscutting policies, if you will, that support the entire ecosystem, such as skills, data, and cluster development.

The challenge is that because the system works well only when the whole ecosystem works, you need to have some policy interventions in different places, and you really have to target them to where the market failure or the market barrier is so that you're doing it in a smart way.

I'm going to tell you a bit about some of the pull policies, because that's our area of expertise at the Smart Prosperity Institute. Pull policies are the ones that pull technologies to market. They're the ones that create the demand for those clean innovations.

Carbon pricing is one of them. By putting a price on the environmental attribute that you don't want, you create a nice reward for the products and services that don't have that negative environmental impact. It pulls those technologies and those commodities to market, but it's not the only one. As well, you can have well-designed regulations that can do that and that provide a sort of implicit price on pollution. You also can use government procurement, infrastructure spending, and those things to target this and to use the power of the government as a purchaser to create market demand for these new technologies.

Fortunately, these things have been studied at length. The OECD has done a lot of work on this. They've found that these policies do work really well. They induce innovation and achieve the market demand you want but, like any policy, they can be badly designed or well designed.

They found that for them to be well designed, there are a few criteria you want to meet. You want them to be stringent. If you create an environmental policy that doesn't do very much, it's not going to have much impact.

If you create a policy, it should be predictable. You want to de-risk that policy and show what's going to happen over time so that the private sector knows what's happening and will come in and will invest in that space.

Finally, you want them to be flexible. You don't want to direct anyone to what they should be doing, but you want to solve those problems in a way that allows the business community, municipalities, and governments to respond in the way that makes the most sense for them. Carbon pricing is flexible, but there are lots of other ones that are flexible as well.

I would just say that the natural resources sectors of the Canadian economy have an opportunity in this clean technology space in the next little while. It's an environmental opportunity and it's an economic opportunity, but it's not going to happen without a suite of coordinated policies. You really have to look at the entire ecosystem to see where there are issues and figure out the thing as a whole. We're going to need different policies in different places depending on whether we're targeting knowledge spillover or an environmental externality, or there's a barrier around the financial community not investing in clean tech in the natural resource sectors because they're not familiar with it, which is one of the barriers we've heard about a lot.

Different policy is needed in different places, and it gets a little complex, but the unique thing here is that there are some things that only government can do. When it comes to this vision of achieving market share and growing these companies and improving their environmental performance, these things are going to require some smart, far-sighted, and sustained government action. That's going to allow the private sector to do the work. The private sector is still the big player here. Over time, the private sector takes on more and more of this because the government has corrected the market and let it work.

Government has a natural role in setting a vision and a level of ambition that position natural resource sectors for long-term success. Governments can invest more patiently with longer horizons than the private sector can. They can approach risk differently, but most importantly, only governments can provide that policy certainty and create the market conditions that will unleash the clean innovation.

Thank you.

4:05 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal James Maloney

Thank you very much.

Mr. Lemieux, you're up first.

4:05 p.m.

Liberal

Denis Lemieux Liberal Chicoutimi—Le Fjord, QC

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I also want to thank the three witnesses for their excellent presentations.

While preparing for this committee meeting, I noticed that Mr. Desrochers knew a great deal about the history of hydrocarbons, which are found in the oil and gas sector and coal sector.

I'll take advantage of your presence, Mr. Desrochers, to ask for your opinion on certain matters I hold dear.

First, I recognize all the benefits provided by fossil fuels in terms of the overall quality of life of humans. However, the use of this type of energy also has adverse effects.

I also find your strong precautionary principle very good, Mr. Desrochers.

Do you think the National Energy Board, the Minister of Environment and the Minister of Natural Resources systematically use this strong precautionary principle when conducting analyses before approving pipeline projects?

4:10 p.m.

Director, Institute for Management and Innovation, University of Toronto Mississauga, As an Individual

Dr. Pierre Desrochers

I would need to consult the documents for certain projects. I think, in general, it's not as bad as the Europeans, although I feel a shift toward the European approach.

People are so afraid of the risks that they ignore the fact that stalling also creates long-term problems. These problems are much greater than any potential issues caused by technological advances.

For example, let's look at the pipeline issue. No product is perfect, but we can't ignore reality. Reality isn't optional, as I often tell my students. Once we actually have petroleum product alternatives, we won't need to fund alternatives that aren't alternatives to petroleum products.

People strongly oppose pipeline development, but they often confuse the issues. Solar energy and wind energy produce only electricity. Moreover, these two types of energy don't compete with petroleum products, which are used specifically for manufacturing clothing and computers and for transportation systems.

There are certainly problems associated with the transportation of petroleum products. However, all the benefits must be considered. I think the regulatory bodies and project opponents often don't weigh the pros and cons in a realistic and acceptable way.

4:10 p.m.

Liberal

Denis Lemieux Liberal Chicoutimi—Le Fjord, QC

I'm a member from Quebec, so from eastern Canada. I have a question about a matter that interests me a great deal.

Can you explain why oil produced in Canada has such a bad reputation and why it's too often, in my opinion, described as dirty oil?

4:10 p.m.

Director, Institute for Management and Innovation, University of Toronto Mississauga, As an Individual

Dr. Pierre Desrochers

It's strange.

Often, people from California tell us how terrible we are because we develop oil sands. However, many deposits in California leave a larger carbon footprint than the oil sands. There's a notion that easily accessible oil resources exist, and that we're scraping the bottom of the barrel for oil sands. If you read the history of petroleum products, you learn that no deposits have ever been easy to reach.

When I spoke about Gesner, it was before the first oil wells were dug. The first oil wells went about 20 metres underground. Salt mining techniques were used. It was expensive, and there was a great deal of pollution. A century and a half later, we go four kilometres through the sea, two kilometres underwater or four kilometres underground, for example. The price isn't higher than the best deposits available in 1870. People forget the fact that, as a result of technological development, today we can exploit resources that are difficult to access in a way that is just as ecological as the deposits considered of good quality a generation ago.

To answer your question, I think Canadian oil's bad reputation is undeserved. In any case, the actual impact of all this is felt when we use gas in our vehicles, for example. Even though the oil sands leave a slightly higher carbon footprint than the other deposits, once we've taken into account the fact that the real carbon emissions come from using fuel in our vehicles, the difference is actually minimal. I think there are people who need to complain. I think people are unfair when it comes to Canadian deposits.

4:10 p.m.

Liberal

Denis Lemieux Liberal Chicoutimi—Le Fjord, QC

In this case, how could the oil industry's best practices be better explained to people in the east to dispel the false reputation of dirty oil?