There have been some unfortunate comments made by people around the table in terms of this issue. It has gotten heated. I'd like to tone it down. I think we need to be looking at all of this from a reasonable perspective.
I'd like to know, first of all, why this isn't a government bill. I understand that Ms. Hoeppner has the right to do it. I'm not challenging that; I'm not saying she did anything wrong. But I do think, given the seriousness of this, that the government should have brought this in as a government bill. On a practical basis, because it's been brought in as a private member's bill and not a government bill, there are reporting requirements back to the House of Commons that are in force only for private members' bills.
As we know, this has to be reported back by June 12 of this year, whether we like it or not. That changes the dynamics of how things are handled in terms of this bill. Obviously we can get through as many witnesses as possible, and it would be ideal to have as many witnesses from all sides as possible. But because of the fact that it's a private member's bill, it just can't be done, because we have limited time.
I have discussed with some of my colleagues--and I'd like to hear from them perhaps at a different time about this--about amending the reporting rules for this, so that there isn't a requirement to report this back to the House of Commons by June 12. Perhaps we could enter into some arrangements. This is me speaking. I'm not speaking for the Liberal Party; I'm not speaking for the critic. I am saying this to you, in terms of a reasonable position. Because you have all stated--and I think you're right--that this is a serious issue for Canadians, and you think it should be heard properly and that as many witnesses as possible should be heard so that all points of view are heard, why not change it so that there is no automatic reporting requirement by June 12, so that it can then be extended? If that occurred, we could have many more days of witnesses and we could get all the people who want to be heard in front of the committee in some way.
Now, I want to talk about having open minds. From the government's perspective, because it's a private member's bill and because it has to go back by June 12, they complain, under the current restrictive rules that we have, about not having enough witnesses from the government side if this motion were to be adopted. That could be fixed in a moment if we didn't have the June 12 reporting requirement to go back to the House. So why not try to fix that and extend it so that we could open it up and have more Canadians have an opportunity to testify?
In terms of having an open mind, I do have an open mind. I'm not happy with the debate that I've heard in the national press, in this room, in the House of Commons, about the gun registry, because from what I hear it is not, in my view, intellectually defensible to say that we only have one choice. What I hear from the government side, and, to be fair, from some of the people on the other side as well, is to keep it or kill it, and nothing else. I don't see that as a wise or logical position that anybody should have on behalf of Canadians.
When you speak about having witnesses come before the committee, I would hope that you would want to include, from your own perspective, some witnesses who might say it's not perfect but here are our ideas to fix it. I've not heard that. So when the government complains about not having enough witnesses to call on its own behalf, I question that, because from what I can see, from everything I have read and the rhetoric and the advertising and the ten-percenters, the minds are already closed. The minds are already saying it has to be killed; it's not possible to modify it in any way to change it and still make it effective on behalf of Canadians.
I have a problem with legislators having closed minds. I personally do not.
There are many examples. Chiefs of police who support the gun registry and want to keep it are ignored. I have not heard anyone from the Conservative side say, “Okay, you have a point. Maybe you're wrong. What about if we modify it this way and try to fix it?” I don't hear that. I just hear them criticizing the chiefs of police, which I'm surprised about because the Conservatives have no difficulty using the police for this supposed law-and-order agenda when it suits them. Why don't we hear, “Because the chiefs of police actually believe it should be kept, maybe they have a point. Maybe we should listen to them. Maybe we should see what their opinions are. Maybe we should take them into account. Maybe we should try to fix it.” I've never heard that from one Conservative ever. Why?
In terms of a private member's bill, everybody opposes it? We were talking about Mr. Ignatieff earlier, about how he has announced that he wants the Liberal caucus to be unified. Which Conservative member of Parliament is against this bill? Are there any? Are you telling me that among all the members you have there is nobody who might have some second thoughts and might think maybe it should be amended and saved? I don't believe that. Whether there is perhaps the whip you speak of behind the scenes.... I don't believe for one moment that there is not one Conservative member of Parliament who thinks it would be reasonable to perhaps try to save it by making changes. But we don't hear from them. We're not allowed to hear from them, I suspect.
Look at other organizations. We had here on Tuesday of this week the ombudsman for victims, Mr. Sullivan, who's not been renewed. He was very clear in stating that he believes the gun registry is something that should be maintained on behalf of victims. It's his job to make that comment about victims. I listened to that, and I thought, okay, maybe it should be saved. Maybe there should be changes, but we should save it in some manner.
Nobody on that side had any questions that were positive towards him. In terms of that issue, nobody agreed, and nobody even opened their mind to the possibility that perhaps it should be saved with changes.
You have victims groups that are very vocal in trying to save this. They're not listened to. Nobody on the other side is saying that maybe we should listen to them, or maybe we should come up with some ideas to save it.
I challenge the members opposite to put forward any proposal that seeks to reform it and save it, rather than having the very narrow-minded view that it must be killed, that's it, and there's nothing else to talk about. When you indicate that you need to have all these witnesses come forward simply to say the same thing, which is, “kill it, kill it, kill it”, what's the point? I would challenge you to put forward some witnesses who actually might have a more nuanced view.
That being said, I would like to have more witnesses testify, but in order to do that, I suggest we change the rules for this bill so that we don't have the June 12 deadline.
In terms of changes, the Liberal Party has suggested the following:
A first-time failure to register a firearm would be treated as a simple, non-criminal ticketing offence, instead of a criminal offence, as it is currently.
Why can't we discuss that from a perspective of attempting to modify this and keep it, rather than entirely eliminating it? Why can't the government propose witnesses who would actually be nuanced and suggest changes to the registry, rather than proposing a slate of witnesses who simply say “kill it”?
Another proposed change is that the fees for new licences, renewals, and upgrades would be permanently eliminated. Why not? Why don't we discuss that reasonably? Why don't we have witnesses proposed by the government to consider that as a proposed change to keep the registry, rather than simply saying it needs to be eliminated?
Another change is that the registration process, especially the forms, would be streamlined to make registration as easy as possible. What's wrong with that idea?
That's just an example of one of the other suggestions. Maybe others need to be considered.
Maybe we could consider calling witnesses who would come and give proposals for how it should be saved and modified, rather than simply eliminated. That seems to me to be a reasonable position.
I've made those various points. My main summary is that I'd like everybody to have an open mind about this legislation.
I have one final comment, which is that long guns are principally responsible for the deaths of police officers. Long guns are the principal weapon of choice to hurt or kill persons in domestic abuse situations.
Considering all these various factors, I think it's incumbent on all of us—and I have this approach—to treat this as something that needs to be considered fairly, reasonably, with an open mind, and not with this dichotomy of having to kill it no matter what and not be willing to listen to anything else.
Thank you.