Thank you. I would like to congratulate you on the tremendous amount of information that is now on the record, compared to, let's say, a year ago. What is happening in this committee is truly historic.
I would like to make some brief comments. Obviously there are so many issues now on the table that it would take the report to canvass all of them in detail.
Just by way of underscoring, there is still a real disconnect in the kind of terminology that's being used in the conversation that is going back and forth between the Department of Finance and this committee.
I think the committee is, unfortunately, being expected to bear the burden of finding a terminology that will work for both sides. I want to use the comments that were made just a few minutes ago by the deputy minister in relation to the impact of the GST cut and the credit, to clarify how this disconnect is being perpetrated.
The GST cut obviously reduced the tax burden on spending, differentially, for people with different incomes, and it is true that in terms of actual dollars, people with high and mid-high incomes are the greatest beneficiaries of this cut.
What the Department of Finance is now submitting is that there's a hidden bonus for low-income taxpayers in the form of the government deciding to not cut the amount of the GST credit to reflect the now new 5% rate of the GST, because the government is saying that it could have reduced the amount of the GST credit by two-sevenths, essentially, to take it down closer to $200 per year per person, if it had wanted to, but it didn't. Therefore, it has inferentially created a new tax benefit for people in the form of this aggregate $1.1 billion, which it is saying has now left new money with low-income people.
I'd like to just unpack that a little bit and show how the disconnect is working here. The current GST tax credit is, I believe, $247 for a single individual. If you think it through, at the current 5% GST rate, what that means is that a person who has a very low income does not pay any GST on their first $4,750 worth of spending. It's a tax shelter for that GST. They get it in the form of a cheque every quarter, so they've then pre-paid that GST that they will have to pay out at the rate of 5%.
What the Department of Finance analysis is saying is that they could have reduced that, because that $247 used to shelter the amount of spending that could be done with the 7% and then the 6% GST tax.
Now, my perception of that is that this is no tax benefit; it's just the status quo. Nothing new has gone to low-income people. It represents a very tiny, if you like, de facto increase in the amount of GST taxable spending that an individual can do. But the important message is that because the Mercedes versus bicycle contrast is still so dramatic, it's not enough.
A gender-based analysis would ask what a person has to spend to subsist, to just exist in this culture. The answer is I don't know anyone who can exist on $4,750 a year. It takes more money. The GST credit should have been increased to reflect the realities of the impact of that tax on low spending.
So that just illustrates how they're saying, “We've given a lot”, and a gender-based analysis would say, “You've given nothing more, and you're still not addressing the real problem.” That's an example.
I'd like to make one more comment, which is that there is a pervasive pattern of differences in the approach to the gender-based analysis being used by the Department of Finance versus the approach that is universally understood by international agencies such as the UN, by other countries, by many of the countries in the EU, and all around the globe, which understand what appropriate gender-based analysis should be.
What the Department of Finance is doing is not consistent with what has been accepted. There are five or six consistent themes that run through what they are doing. For example, in the most recent gender analysis of Budget 2008, they are not looking at the impact of the RESP and the RDSP accounts on adult taxpayers at all. They're speculating into the future and saying we think the beneficiaries will probably be equally boys and girls, young women and young men, and that therefore it's gender equal. So they're not looking at the correct taxpayers, if you like, in some situations.
There is a consistent ignoring of the fact that now 40.4% of all women in Canada are so poor, according to the most recent information out of the Department of Finance, that they do not have any tax liability at all. This factor is not being taken into consideration in the tax analysis of the items they're reporting on. There is a real lack of transparency.
The description was given of the tax-free savings account--in the testimony that was given, I believe, last week--as tending to benefit the bottom range of tax filers, etc., with three-quarters of the benefits going to those in the bottom two tax brackets. This is not a sustainable submission, simply because Statistics Canada itself has documented repeatedly the fact that the bottom two or three quintiles of family income in Canada are in a net debt position year after year. They have no capacity to save whatsoever.