Okay. Great.
Thank you, everybody. I apologize for the awkwardness of the teleconference and not having the video facility.
My name is Jessica Danforth, formerly Jessica Yee, and I am the executive director of the Native Youth Sexual Health Network. I'm also the chair of the National Aboriginal Youth Council on HIV/AIDS in Canada, and the co-chair for the Global Indigenous Youth Caucus for the North America region at the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Today I will primarily be speaking about my work at the Native Youth Sexual Health Network in the executive director capacity.
The Native Youth Sexual Health Network is an organization that is by and for indigenous youth. It works within the full spectrum of sexual and reproductive health, rights, and justice throughout the United States and Canada. I'm calling today from our U.S. office here on the Oneida reservation in Wisconsin. We are a completely peer-based, national organization of indigenous youth who are under the age of 30. We work in alliance with elders and communities, as well as other peoples of colour.
Some remarks we often get at our organization are: how can we be completely peer-based, how can we be North-America wide, and how can we really be by and for young people under the age of 30? We've learned at our organization over the last five years that to speak about peer-based work and actualize peer leadership means that we have to live it, and not just in a single or token role. This is something that has to be structured overall.
We're also proud to say that we're an organization that strongly supports the self-identification of women themselves. That includes two-spirited, lesbian/gay, bisexual, transgendered, transsexual, intersexioned and intersexed, queer, questioning, and other gender non-conforming women. I think it should be explicitly understood that to gender-police or press by definition what constitutes a woman in this study specifically, without including and centring the experiences of those afore-mentioned identities, will result in a severe erasure of some of the most economically oppressed women in Canada.
Classism and poverty for us are certainly tenets of the realities we face—and by “we” I'm talking about the realities of indigenous but also racialized, LGBT, and other communities of colour in Canada. As I've heard and read in the documents from the committee, the numbers and statistics are just that: numbers and statistics. You may have heard of the stark realities of violence against aboriginal women, and about the stark realities of suicide, poverty, and single-parent families of indigenous women. But it has to be understood that what is happening is in fact the systemic and structural oppression of women, both economically and socially, and that the Government of Canada itself continues to orchestrate this large and root factor at the root of what I'm calling economic injustice.
I think it's critical that we not just talk about statistics and numbers, but that we talk about achieving economic justice. This is a term I've learned working here in the United States part time, and from our neighbours and allies to the south of us. Economic justice is what we need to be centring on, in talking about the success of Canadian women and girls. Economic justice asks us to be critical in challenging and changing the systems that actually create poverty and economic injustice in our communities. Through our work at the Native Youth Sexual Health Network I want to give some examples of how we see economic injustice and economic justice working. I would like them to be included in the study you're looking at.
If we're going to talk about achieving economic justice, it first has to be actualized without the fear of economic or legal penalty. For example, if in the study we're going to talk about establishing or protecting the legal rights of poor and working-class people, we have to encourage and facilitate self-advocacy for that. We have to advocate for radical, compassionate changes in the systems we're talking about, such as housing and shelter, the workplace, courts, prisons, welfare and other public benefits, citizenship and immigration, health care, and other social services. We have to understand the interconnections between different oppressions that perpetuate economic injustice and work on multiple levels to eradicate them. We also have to work on effecting these changes through grassroots organizing, public education, advocacy, community-based research, legal action, leadership development, and coalition-building. This specifically is a tenet of economic justice, as it's understood.
One key area of our work where we see this lack of acknowledgement of economic injustice and the reality that indigenous women are facing is environmental and reproductive injustice.
In numerous places in Canada where there is resource extraction—mining, gas, oil, drilling—particularly in rural and remote and northern areas in the provinces or territories, we see so-called economic prospects and development that at the same time result in numerous and drastic changes for indigenous women and girls on a community level. While we see, for example, in northern Alberta, the tar sands and different mining, gas, and oil resource extractions, what's not understood is the escalating high rates of sexual violence; HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, including syphilis; as well as suicides, different mental health issues, depression, and the list goes on.
While one thing is called economic development, another thing can be called economic injustice. The simultaneous realities are not being understood.
I want to quote from the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, in which Canada said it endorsed, very, very recently, the tenet of “free prior and informed consent”. If economic justice were achieved in Canada for self-identified women and girls, then it must be achieved with free prior and informed consent. It cannot be achieved with simple consultation, or saying that we talked to certain groups of women or one token person or representative and say we have permission from them to achieve justice for them or to try to eradicate their oppression. Free prior and informed consent, as it's understood in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, is something that requires Canada itself not just to consult but also to get prior, understood, and informed consent—in multiple languages, cultures, and communities—to actually do something and to do it differently.
I want to close by leaving everybody with a promising practice that we would like to see continue. We received partial funding from the Status of Women for a national partnership project we had with the Girls Action Foundation entitled indigenous young women: speaking our truths, building our strengths. This was a name that was given by our peer advisory group made up of 10 indigenous young women across Canada, which is directly coordinated by the Native Youth Sexual Health Network.
It is led entirely by self-identified indigenous young women, and it includes things like a national gathering, the first of its kind, by and for indigenous young women explicitly. It also includes resource development in terms of [Inaudible--Editor]-making and toolkit creations for self esteem. It is something we would like to see continue, but again it is proving to be harder and harder to fund something that is entirely peer-led and doesn't require somebody to prove themselves otherwise.
In closing I want to say that we cannot talk about creating new funding opportunities or throwing money at different issues that continue to silo or isolate the multi-identities and multi-communities and multi-issues that people are coming from.
In the circumstances of environmental injustice and reproductive injustice that I have cited, in cases where it's called economic development but results in multiple oppressions in terms of environmental injustices toward indigenous communities specifically where resource extraction is happening, we can't talk about these without the free prior and informed consent of communities. It is very clear that what's called economic development does not have free prior and informed consent, which is an internationally upheld human right for women and girls.
Thank you.