Mr. Speaker, it is with pleasure that I rise to participate in the debate at third reading on Bill C-43, an act to amend the Lobbyists Registration Act. I say with pleasure but also with a certain weariness, because the first speeches I delivered in this House more than a year ago dealt with the privatization of Pearson airport by the previous government. In that speech, I denounced the dubious transactions involving people close to both Tory and Liberal political circles.
Bloc members who spoke up at the time called for the supervision, clarification and regulation of lobbyists' activities in Canada. Reading the bill now before us, I realize that the main demands made by Bloc speakers, the main conditions we wanted to set in order to shed light, once and for all, on lobbyists' activities in Canada, have not been met.
Although we may deplore the fact that lobbying activities take place in a government such as the Canadian government, it must be recognized that, given the financial implications-for example, the federal government signs close to 90,000 contracts every year-, some people may to try to influence the government and meet lawmakers and senior officials with decision-making powers to ensure that regulations, programs and even bills are in their best interests.
Although we understand this situation, we are surprised that this government does not understand the need to monitor the risks of influence and mismanagement so that citizens are fully aware that things are being done properly. The bill before us nonetheless contains a number of improvements. Certain members of the Liberal government now in power had denounced really unfortunate and unacceptable situations when they were in opposition and promised, notably in their red book, drastic measures to regulate the activities of lobbyists.
Going over this bill, one realizes that, while some improvements have been made, major amendments would have been required at committee stage to increase its efficiency in terms of its purposes and to bring it at least slightly more in line with the goals the Liberal Party had set for itself when in opposition as well as with its promises to sort things out once in power.
Many of my colleagues have already spoken on this bill, therefore I will only list a number of flaws or points that should have been corrected in order to allow us, members of the official opposition, to vote for this bill. Since these flaws were not corrected in the legislative process, it will not come as a surprise to anyone to hear me say that, like all Bloc members I think, I will be voting against this bill.
One of the main flaws of this legislation has to do with the whole ethics counsellor issue. At present, no one seems to have the authority to provide advice or guidance to politicians and government employees on certain procedures or actions which may be confusing.
The bill provides for an ethics counsellor to be appointed by the Prime Minister. I have no doubt that the Prime Minister will choose an honest and reputable person who will be able to provide enlightened advice. However, this person will have no power and, being appointed by the Prime Minister, neither will he or she have any credibility. The House of Commons, or Parliament, should appoint the ethics counsellor, so as to give that person the prestige, the authority and the protection necessary for someone who will have to provide opinions on actions, representations or projects which often involve enormous expenses for certain people.
We deplore the fact that, while the ethics counsellor will undoubtedly mean well, this person will be subject to the Prime Minister's will in terms of his appointment, and it is the Prime Minister who will govern to a great extent how the ethics counsellor executes his or her mandate.
When we reviewed the transactions surrounding the privatization of Pearson airport, we also asked that there be only one category of lobbyists. As you know, lobbying activities are conducted by various firms, groups and organizations. If someone wants to influence the government or have his or her views expressed to MPs or to some senior public officials, that person can go to a specialized agency which will do what is necessary to convey his or her views to those concerned.
However, there are also other people who lobby while working for various organizations, such as business associations, unions, and all sorts of other groups which hire permanent staff to do so. Some of these permanent employees may be involved in communications or governmental relations and make representations as lobbyists, even though they are not treated in the same way as those who belong to lobbying groups specifically involved in governmental relations. We suggested, in parliamentary committee, that there should only be one category of lobbyists, so that all those involved in the same kind of representations and have the same responsibilities, would also have the same obligations. However, the legislation provides for two categories of lobbyists.
Several other suggestions were also made. We had asked that the fees paid to companies, agencies or individuals for lobbying services be disclosed. They will not be. Lobbyists objected to that. Lobbying experts have told us that this was not possible, that it was not under federal jurisdiction, that there would be problems related to competition and non-disclosure of activities, and that it was not necessary in any case.
I feel it is important that Parliament and the Canadian public be aware of the amount of money involved. Whether a company hands out $2 million or just $20,000 to a government relations agency does make a difference. When huge sums are involved, people who have to watch over lobbying activities would be on the alert.
We would also have liked some clarification on the political ties of lobbyists. The media have pointed out that many former very influential politicians, political staff members and people close to decision makers easily make the transition to a new career in lobbying.
It would have been important to have some kind of registration scheme for lobbyists so that we could determine who did what, what they did subsequently, and whether they hold positions, paid or unpaid, in political organizations. If the president of a Liberal association is active in lobbying, I think the people should know.
I had more points to make to demonstrate that the bill before us is flawed. But my time is running out, and I can only express my disappointment at the lobbying problem we now have in Canada and the unwillingness of the government to keep the promises it made in the last campaign, as set out in the red book. The only legacy of that red book will be the shame of unkept promises.