Mr. Speaker, I would like to speak to the amendments put forward by the members of the Reform Party, because it is important to make the distinction I do not think was made between what they want to do and the intent, even misguided, of the law, which was to recognize that there are essential services.
As you know, regardless of where we look in this country, there are no real miracles. Either strikes and lockouts are recognized and certain essential services maintained for reasons of public health and safety or they are not. In fact, however, no country is able to prevent strikes and lockouts. So most countries have opted for provisions to regulate essential services.
The Government of Canada, which had no such provision in past disputes, is trying to plug that loophole with clause 87(4), which states that if it:
-is of the opinion that a strike or lockout could pose an immediate and serious danger to the safety or health of the public-
the board may issue an order to decide what activities should be designated and how and to what extent the employer and employees should attempt to come to an understanding.
So, in the event of serious public health and safety concerns, the board will ask the parties to negotiate. And if the parties fail to reach an understanding, the board may decide what must be done.
The Reform Party wants to add "severe economic hardship to the national economy" to the provisions on public health and safety, to the imminent and serious danger to the safety or health of the public. They have two amendments to that effect.
Let me tell you that the board would be at a loss to determine what "severe economic hardship to the national economy" means. It seems to me that it would be hard to determine, given that, with unemployment soaring to 15 per cent in Montreal, one can wonder what it takes to qualify as severe economic hardship.
This provision does not seem relevant. They did provide an explanation. But the truth is that severe economic hardship cannot be used as a criterion in determining the services that should be considered essential.
The other very important amendment they made does not limit the employees' right to strike or the employer's right to lock workers out by designating some services as essential but by eliminating these rights altogether. That is in section 87.7, and I should point out that an agreement was reached. We were under the impression that both the unions and the employers in the long-shoring industry agreed with the contents of section 87.7, which states:
During a strike or lockout not prohibited by this Part, an employer in the long-shoring industry, or other industry included in paragraph ( a ) of the definition ``federal work, undertaking or business'' in section 2, its employees and their bargaining agent shall continue to provide the services they normally provide to ensure the tie-up, let-go and loading of grain vessels and the movement of the grain vessels in and out of a port.
I know that the unions were in agreement because of their past experiences with lockouts and special legislation that was imposed on them when they were prepared to continue loading grain vessels. I know, I gave evidence to that effect and I can attest to it here because, as it happens, I was the critic on this issue when the final offer mechanism was used to settle a dispute, and I know that employers took advantage of the fact no such provision existed. Sometimes the employers are right, sometimes the unions are right,
but in that particular case, the employers clearly played a dirty trick on the unions.
The unions representing the longshoremen were prepared to continue loading the grain. Day after day, they repeatedly told us in the House that grain, and not potash, coal, or any other raw materials, was to be loaded into vessels or should we say unloaded, but this was not included in the amendment.
So, to remove the fact that they meant grain vessels and to change this section, as they are doing, means that dockers could never strike no matter what type vessel was involved. Clearly, this provision is impracticable. As I said at the beginning, everybody knows in the end that options exist.
Either we restrict the right to strike and to lock out by invoking essential services, or else we prohibit them. If we prohibit them, we know that we are opening the door to illegal strikes and lockouts which complicate the situation, and are against the rules.
In this second section, Reform members remove this "essential services" aspect. This aspect is related to grain vessels and interested parties agreed that for grain vessels, the right to strike would not exist. Services for grain vessels are essential, but other port activities will be limited by the definition of essential services.
I understand the pressure exerted on grain producers, but it seems to me that this issue, about which we heard a lot, is answered in clause 87.7. As for other producers, the government is trying to prohibit the right to strike or lockout, with the result that it will be done illegally and in conditions that we do not accept. The idea is to provide for some essential services in the labour code.
I will end on an interrogative or humorous note. I am leaving it up to members opposite to choose the term that best applies. The committee proposed an amendment to clause 87.8. This amendment provided that the freight and passenger service between Port-aux-Basques, Newfoundland, and Nova Scotia should be considered an essential service. I see that this small amendment proposed by the committee without the minister's approval was withdrawn by the minister at report stage. I imagine Liberal members will have something to say about this.