Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak to Bill C-48, an act respecting marine conservation areas, and more specifically to the amendment now before the House, which calls on the government to go back to the drawing board, to put it simply.
This piece of legislation has a laudable purpose. However, the means to implement it are appalling, and that is why the Bloc Quebecois is asking the government to go back to the drawing board.
This bill, whose purpose is to define the legal framework for the establishment of 28 marine conservation areas, including eight in Quebec, each representative of the ecosystems identified so far in Quebec and in Canada, follows up an international commitment made by the Prime Minister of Canada.
The Bloc Quebecois supports this research, undertaken at the instigation of the World Conservation Union. It supports the environmental approach underlying this bill. However, the Bloc wants to forcefully state its disagreement with the means used.
The Bloc Quebecois wonders why the federal government did not draw on the agreement reached on the creation of the Saguenay—St. Lawrence Marine Park in Quebec, which called for the cooperation, on an equal footing, of two governments in their respective jurisdiction and which even led to Quebec passing a legislation similar to the federal law, showing the respectful cooperation on the part of both governments.
The Bloc Quebecois was totally in agreement and urged adoption of this bill because it is the way to proceed where shared jurisdictions are concerned. Quebec is willing to co-operate, as it has shown with phase III of the St. Lawrence Action Plan, but for the bill to state as a prerequisite for the federal government's involvement in the management of marine conservation areas that title to the lands to be included in the marine conservation areas be vested in Her Majesty in right of Canada is unacceptable.
This means that, instead of co-operating to ensure that in difficult circumstances, riparian communities take part in the preservation of those marine areas in the river, in the gulf and in the estuary, the federal government is saying that this land must belong to it, or else.
For it, the implementation of the international agreement, its commitments are more important than the fact that this land that would become federal is most definitely located in Quebec waters.
It is a change from what we hear constantly repeated here, for example in the flattering record the Prime Minister presents and the progress he supposedly made in his relations with provinces, including Quebec. This government action is possible only if the concerned aquatic territory in Quebec is declared federal.
This is an authoritarian and disrespectful way of acting that, ultimately, would not be efficient. How can one imagine that not only coastal populations but also every stakeholder in Quebec will co-operate if this bill becomes law? We hope very much that it will be withdrawn and reworked. How can anyone imagine that it could lead to a co-operation of various governments instead of creating an institutionalized conflict due to the federal government's arrogant attitude, saying there will be work only if the marine conservation areas are federally owned?
This bill contains other major problems. Overlapping is one that can certainly not be overlooked. This time, overlapping jurisdictions would not be provincial and federal governments, but different federal departments. This could be pretty funny. I hope the Royal Air Farce will examine this issue. They could also look into other matters, there are lots to choose from.
There are three federal bodies. The Department of Fisheries and Oceans has marine protected areas and regulations. There is Environment Canada, which has marine wildlife reserves and regulations. Finally, there is Heritage Canada, which has marine conservation areas and its own regulations.
One would think that these three federal organizations would talk to each other, would find a way to co-operate with the provinces, including Quebec, particularly since this is going on at a difficult time for people in the maritime provinces. Indeed, the coastal communities who rely on marine resources, on fish, are very disturbed and live in fear, if not in poverty.
How can we expect to have the freedom of mind that is necessary to look at the ecosystem from these various perspectives if the workers who have lost their jobs do not know what their status will be in two or five years? More importantly, these people do not know if they will have resources to live on. The fact that they live in such insecurity is evidence that something is wrong.
Three federal organizations are looking after the ecosystem and the fishery, but what about the men and women who need to earn a living, who are faced with an employment insurance reform whose effects are being felt more and more? As we know, things will get even worse in the spring, but these people are already experiencing the adverse effects of the employment insurance reform, at a time when the government has an enormous surplus, which makes it all the more painful for them.
There is overlap among the federal departments, which, through numerous consultations with the public and departmental interventions, can do nothing but foment exasperation and anger. The context needed for these commitments by Canada is the total opposite.
We share these commitments, but we say that if the government is serious, if it wants to progress, it will have to create, with the provinces, the conditions that will enable stakeholders and the public to become involved in a task that will fall to them in the end.
It is good news to hear that the St. Lawrence is not as polluted as we thought. That is what a study revealed two weeks ago. It is good news, but we know that our problems are not over and that the protection of ecosystems and marine areas requires public involvement.
I cannot help but underline how shocking it is to see that, far from honouring its commitment in this regard, the federal government persists in acting in a unilateral and authoritarian way toward the provinces, particularly Quebec, so it can put the word “Canada” on every little marine area, instead of collaborating with Quebec and creating the conditions required to work with the public.
Despite all its sweet talk to Quebeckers, with Bill C-54, this government actually decides when the Quebec legislation will prevail and, with Bill C-48, it says it will not become involved in the conservation of marine areas unless its ownership is recognized.
This is the mark not of a centralizing government but of a government which denies the very existence of the provinces, which wants to take over the areas under their jurisdiction. In doing so, the government wastes not only money but also energy and hinders the co-operation needed.
This government sang the praises of renewed federalism. If there is a new way to make federalism evolve, it will be found in these bills because we rely not on the press releases which supposedly explain the meaning of the bills, but on the text of the bill itself. It is our responsibility. Indeed, whatever a minister may say about his intentions, he will have to act according to the law.
Our responsibility is not to say “My God, the minister has good intentions and would never do such a thing”. We cannot do that because the minister may change his mind anyway, even if he had the intentions which he said he had. We cannot do that because this government could decide otherwise. The government may change and, anyway, legislation is interpreted not according to news releases but according to what is written in the act itself.
We know that the supreme court, particularly in the two successive decisions from Justice Laskin and Justice Dickson in a case whose name I hope I can remember before the end of my speech, is interpreting provincial jurisdictions in a way that is increasingly eroding them. Our responsibility is to ensure that, if governments have other intentions, they spell them out in their legislation.
This is why, for both Bill C-54 and Bill C-48, if ministers have in mind something other than what appears in the legislation, we ask them to withdraw and rewrite them. We know that even with amendments the spirit of a bill will not change. Our amendments were rejected often enough for us to know that, in the future, to change the spirit of the bill, we must ask that the bill be withdrawn and rewritten in such a way that the interpretation given will really be the one used in enforcement of the legislation, and not only in the news releases.
I urge my colleagues opposite to read the bills drafted by their government instead of just relying on the news releases. They will understand why we are against Bills C-54 and C-48. What matters is the text.
I remember instances where the Minister of Finance introduced new wording for his budget implementation bill, telling us that the original text should have read that way. These things do occur. The Minister of Finance did so and, in so doing, he confirmed that we were right in our interpretation. However, it took some reporters to understood it the same way we did.
Unfortunately, all bills do not get the same attention from reporters in the House who are simply not enough to cover everything that is going on here. We sincerely regret it because we could certainly see changes in behaviours and different ways of writing if the public understood better what is happening. We cannot say that a text means one thing when in fact it means the opposite. This is true of bill C-54 and it is also true of the spirit of Bill C-48.
I suggest that the minister go back to the drawing board and I can assure her that, as was the case with the development of the Saguenay—St. Lawrence marine park, the Bloc critic concerned, the member for Rimouski—Mitis, will do her share.
In light of the intensity of her speech, I am sure she will. However, if she does not agree with the bill, it would be a lot more difficult to support it and to enforce it afterwards, a situation that I hope will never happen.
At this point, we are still confident because we believe in the set goal, but we are forced to realize that we were often disappointed. This is in fact the reason why bills C-54 and C-48 reaffirm the necessity for Quebec to achieve sovereignty.