Mr. Speaker, I am very interested in the amendment that the hon. leader has just moved. I have not seen it and I am sure I will in due course, but I believe the gist of it is to say that there were some recommendations of the Standing Committee on Finance having to do with the budget that the government did not implement, and the Leader of the Opposition takes exception to that.
In fact in the preparation of the budget, I went through one by one all of the recommendations of the Standing Committee on Finance. I found, given the rather raucous nature of the committee, that sometimes the recommendations made by the NDP were not consistent with the recommendations made by the Conservatives. Some of the recommendations made by the Conservatives did not match the recommendations made by the Bloc Québécois. Sometimes the government and opposition parties agreed. Sometimes they disagreed. There was quite a potpourri of recommendations from the finance committee. Quite frankly, it would be absolutely impossible for this government or any government to implement all of the recommendations of the finance committee without totally contradicting themselves.
I would say that the work of the finance committee was very helpful. Indeed the majority of the recommendations made by the committee, at least where there was a consensus among the political parties, were in fact implemented in the budget. Therefore the factual basis for the hon. gentleman's motion is simply not in existence.
Let me take a moment or two to address the broader context in which this motion is made and the context that was described by the Leader of the Opposition and by the House leader for the opposition in putting this motion on the floor. It has to do with the current political environment and the issues that preoccupied us in question period a few moments ago and indeed for much of the last several weeks.
Nothing in political life is more important than the public's trust. To me, and I am sure to the Prime Minister, to all members of the cabinet and to all members of the government, earning and keeping that trust is now and always has been our first and most basic principle. I share completely the concerns of the vast majority of decent Canadians upon hearing the various descriptions of events, some of them contradictory, all of them, to date at least, uncorroborated, coming from the various witnesses appearing before the Gomery commission.
The commission, as all Canadians know, is conducting a transparent and comprehensive judicial investigation into certain publicity activities of the previous government prior to the year 2002. Where such activities crossed legal or ethical boundaries, they must be exposed, condemned and punished to the fullest extent of the law. There can be no defence of the indefensible.
The trail does have to be followed wherever it may lead. Any and all wrongdoers must suffer the full consequences of their misconduct, whoever they may be. That is why Judge Gomery must finish his entire inquiry and reach his final conclusions about exactly what happened and who carries the responsibility. A partial story is not good enough. The judge's mandate is to get to the whole unvarnished truth. Nothing less will do.
While this work is ongoing, it is significant to note that the Gomery commission was launched by the Prime Minister himself, voluntarily and very quickly upon coming into office. That in itself is a strong indication of two key points.
First of all, the Prime Minister has nothing to fear and nothing to hide from this inquiry. The issues under investigation are not ones that he created.
The Prime Minister is a man of principle and conscience who is determined, and his actions prove this, to root out these problems regardless of the political consequences. The Prime Minister is also the one who cancelled the impugned sponsorship program and eliminated the agency that ran it.
In an unprecedented move to help investigators, he ordered the release of more than 12 million pages of normally confidential internal documentation from within the Privy Council. He launched 19 legal actions to recover any public money that was improperly spent.
The Prime Minister also ordered the independent forensic examinations of the financial records of the Liberal Party, the results of which are now available to the public on the Internet. He strengthened the rules on the ethical standards expected of cabinet ministers and public officials. He provided the independent ethics commissioner with more clout. He restored the office of the Comptroller General of Canada. He bolstered government-wide internal audits. He provided automatic public disclosure of government contracts.
I hear the deputy leader of the opposition once again interrupting rather than participating constructively in the debate. I would point out that in his last intervention he said that it was the Liberal Party that took away the office of the Comptroller General. I would remind him that the initiative to eliminate the office of the Comptroller General was introduced by the previous Kim Campbell government.
It was the Prime Minister and the government that terminated a number of crown corporation CEOs and implemented tough new standards of governance. All of that is a clear reflection of the Prime Minister's respect for the public trust and his absolute determination to safeguard the public interest ahead of all personal or partisan considerations.
Last evening in his address to the country, I believe the Prime Minister made a very compelling argument. He spoke directly and honestly to Canadians about the crucial work of the Gomery Commission which he himself created. He spoke about political responsibility and political accountability. He spoke about calling a national election quickly upon the publication of Judge Gomery's report.
I think Canadians will find the Prime Minister's case to be both reasonable and convincing, based upon the complete and unvarnished truth.
In sampling public opinion, I know that political parties like to revel in the outcomes of public opinion polls, which vary. They go up, they go down and they change from time to time. I have had a sampling of the opinion of prominent Canadian journalists over the course of the last couple of weeks while these issues have been very prominent in the media. Let me just put a few of those views of people who watch the political process on a daily basis and who have some background and knowledge in these matters, on the record.
There was an article not long ago by Mr. James McNulty in the Vancouver Province. The headline on that article was “Early election call will snub public opinion; opposition should heed public support for Gomery inquiry to finish”. About the same time there was an article in the Calgary Herald that said “Canadians may well get to the bottom of the scandal, just as Martin promised”. Third, from the
Regina Leader Post:
There was an election only last year and we detect no public appetite for another so soon. We believe that in the real world, a majority of Canadians want the government to get on with running the country, the opposition parties to hold them to account on their policies and Justice Gomery to complete his work and report his findings.
Then there was this commentary from University Dean William Neville appearing in the Winnipeg Free Press. He said:
--it would not be entirely unprecedented to have a verdict first and a trial afterwards. It happened, after all, in Alice in Wonderland.
Then there was a comment from CanWest Global in the National Post not long ago where this was said:
At the time the Prime Minister created the Gomery inquiry, he knew a feeding frenzy like this might result. And so you have to give him a good deal of credit for ignoring the politics and doing the right thing.
Then we have an editorial today in the Globe and Mail that makes the case for hearing everything that Judge Gomery has to say when his report is finalized.
Even earlier the Globe and Mail said this:
Whoever pulls the plug has to have a good reason to put the country to the expense and disruption of another election only one year after the last. If the most compelling reason is political opportunism, and if the voters sense they are being summoned to the polls prematurely, they may not reward the perpetrator.
Let me also refer to the Ottawa Citizen and an article that was written not long ago by Susan Riley. She noted she was no particular friend of the government or the Prime Minister, but this is what she had to say:
What is going on is hysteria, a lynch-mob mentality, a potent mixture of genuine public outrage and political opportunism that threatens to derail the disinterested pursuit of justice and the whole truth.
Then there is the Montreal Gazette which not long ago had this to say:
The election buzz is largely a media invention, rather than a measure of reality. The public has no interest in a quick election; we had one just 10 months ago.
Let me refer to the Halifax Chronicle Herald . The Halifax newspaper had this to say:
The case [the Prime Minister] laid out in his own defence is stronger than any case mounted against him. He is the one who cancelled the sponsorship program on Day 1 of his tenure. He is the one who set up the Gomery inquiry...
Right across the country there is consistent editorial opinion that simply says as a matter of fairness and justice, as a matter of letting the whole truth be known, that the proper course of action here is to allow Judge Gomery to finish his inquiry, to find the facts, to make his recommendations and on the basis of those recommendations, then all of us will have both the information and the obligation to act and to act appropriately. That is essentially what the Prime Minister said last evening.
There is another reason why it would be appropriate, I believe, for this Parliament to take a more considered course, as we approach the days and weeks immediately ahead, rather than some blind and irrational rush to judgment, and that is because the House has before it some very important business. I know various ministers want to sponsor and promote their portfolios of activities.
I would simply refer to the budget. It is a budget that provides $5 billion for cities and communities to build the healthy infrastructures that they need for the future. It is a budget that puts in $5 billion--