Debates of Jan. 27th, 2014

Situation in Ukraine

[The Acting Speaker, Conservative, Barry Devolin]

No, I just—

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

I apologize, Mr. Speaker. I should know by now it is the Minister of Foreign Affairs. I cannot call that a rookie mistake.

On January 21, I sent a letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs asking him to consider action. Then I followed it up, as I mentioned earlier, with a proposal for a motion for unanimous consent.

I am laying all of this out because many say it is not our role to do anything and ask how it is the business of Canada to be telling the government of Ukraine how to conduct its affairs. We have to abide by the sovereignty of other governments, but, make no mistake, this is about what to do when there are problems and using everything we can to support, in this case, the call of the people of Ukraine to ensure they are going to have fair rules and respect for human rights.

With the government of Ukraine turning away from what were the accepted norms of the people, which is to ensure that there is freedom of speech, that there will not be oppression, and that the state will not use its police to crack down on peaceful demonstrators, we do have a role to play. That is why we speak not just with a critique of the government but about what we can do, because if we learn from history, there is one lesson we can learn when it comes to authoritarian governments. If people turn their backs on the actions of any authoritarian government, it will continue to abuse its power. It has been noted already that the president of Ukraine has already done this. He has received messages from the rest of the world and he has tried to pull back on the draconian laws. He has tried to cut a deal on power-sharing.

If we look at this from a strategic point of view, we see that when we are vigilant, when we assure the Ukrainian people that we are going to be with them and put pressure on the government, it is a sign from the international community to the government of Ukraine that it cannot abuse its power without others noting it. That is why it is important for the Conservative government to work with its allies on this.

I have mentioned before that we are hearing that many of the assets of Yanukovych and others have been spirited out into Europe. That is why diplomacy is absolutely critical. It is not just about individual sanctions that we want to put forward and that hopefully the government will accept; it is also about working with our friends in the EU and the United States. If we work together, we know that more pressure can be applied and that the Ukrainian government will not be able to continue down the path of repression. It will not be able to continue down the path of selling off the resources of the Ukrainian people. It will not be able to go down the path of abusing its power.

There is a documented case of the government claiming that it had the right to go forward with some of the initiatives that I mentioned on the deal with Russia. It claimed that it had a majority vote. On January 16, 2014, when it brought in its sweeping, draconian laws, it was claimed by the government that it had passed these laws through its parliament with a majority.

However, this is what has been documented. The speaker asked for a show of hands and then, within mere seconds, announced that these draconian laws had been passed by a vote of 235 in favour, but, as we can do here, they were actually able to freeze a frame of who was in parliament at the time, and there were only 119 Party of Regions MPs in the house who voted in favour. It is that kind of thing, the abuse of power, that we are dealing with.

Let me finish where I started. This is about the dream of the Ukrainian people. When my mother went to Ukraine in 2004 as an observer for our country in the elections there, she came back with stories of people who were finally realizing their dream. She brought me a memento that I will cherish forever--the orange scarf.

It was a time of promise, and the promise must not be forgotten that the Ukrainian people were going to be able to live their dream and have the human rights that we enjoy, the assurance that there would be the basic standards of democracy, freedom of speech, and the ability for people to protest in peace.

Today let us look at what we can do to help the people of Ukraine so that their dream is not lost and that Canada stands proud in the support of the people of Ukraine.

[Garry Breitkreuz, Conservative, Yorkton—Melville, SK]

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to add my voice to the voices that I heard from both sides of the aisle here. I appreciate the opposition supporting us in this regard. I would also like to thank our Prime Minister for the strong stand he has taken in regard to this issue, and I thank our Minister of Foreign Affairs as well.

I represent the region of Yorkton—Melville, which has a high percentage of people of Ukrainian ethnic descent who came here decades ago, and some more recently. They have expressed to me their concern, and I am here today to pass that on to all those present and those listening. They realize the importance of freedom and the expression of that freedom through democracy.

I appreciate very much that this matter has been brought forward here today and I want to thank the member opposite for his remarks.

My question for the member is this: how important is it that Canada stand by nations in which their people are being oppressed? Is it important that we oppose governments that abuse their power?

My constituents have expressed great concern in this regard, and I am wondering if the member feels the same.

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, absolutely we share the concern.

It is important to put forward very concrete measures that we can ask the government to adopt, which is why the targeted sanctions are important. We are saying that if one is going to have good relations with Canada, there are certain standards one has to abide by. When we see countries that are not following those standards, as was mentioned, we need to speak up, speak out, and act.

I obviously share the member's sentiment that this is about our relationship with the world, which is based on the norms that we share. When governments are offside on that, we have to be clear and declarative, which is why we have to put actions forward.

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for his always interesting remarks. I would like to go back to one of his comments that it is not enough to be opposed, to stand up and say that we are not happy; we must also act.

I would also like to go back to the issue of targeted sanctions. Of course we have an international co-operation program, including in Ukraine, which is very important. It is one of our countries of focus. Some might be inclined to say that we could cut the assistance program or do something else. I am not suggesting cutting the assistance program. I would just like my colleague to tell us more about the concept of targeted sanctions.

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for the question, because it really is about ensuring that we are going to focus our sanctions on the people responsible for the repression. To do that, the government has the ability to impose the Special Economic Measures Act—which, by the way, was brought in by Prime Minister Mulroney—to be able to take very specific sanctions and tailor them to the situation at the time.

Right now we have reports of government officials who are taking money out of the country and depositing and investing it in other parts of the world. What we are hearing is that most of that money is being invested in Europe.

We want to make sure that the message is clear that we are going to focus here in Canada to make sure we do not have these investments and that we will put sanctions on anyone trying to invest in that way here. This is why it is important to act. As they say, speeches are great but actions are better, and that is what we want to see.

[Ron Cannan, Conservative, Kelowna—Lake Country, BC]

Mr. Speaker, I too would like to voice my opposition to the actions of the Ukrainian government in treating its people with a lack of respect for human rights and human dignity.

This is a very high priority for our government. I thank the Prime Minister for all of us for allowing this debate to take place, because I believe this is a non-partisan issue.

More than 1.2 million Ukrainians came here. My papa came from Ukraine. Both my mother-in-law and father-in-law have a Ukrainian background. We just had a great Malanka festival celebration, a New Year's party, to remember the joy and hope for those who have come from Ukraine to make Canada their home for 2014. However, the sad reality is that the people back in Ukraine are being beaten and tortured and treated like animals. The fact is that its government needs to respect human rights and human dignity.

At the end of the night, would the hon. member agree that consensus should be from all parties in the House that we send a clear message to the government of Ukraine to quit beating up the people of Ukraine and allow Ukrainian folks to be part of Europe if that is their wish?

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I share that sense, and one of the things we did today was pass a unanimous consent motion. That was an important message to send. Hopefully we will see a consensus in the House that we have targeted sanctions, that we look at visa bans, that we look at what Canada can do to help resolve the situation there.

While l am on my feet, one of the things we and the government have noted is that Ambassador Bennett has been dispatched to Ukraine. He is our ambassador for religious freedom. One thing we hoped the government would put in place was an institute for democratic development. It promised to do that in the Speech from the Throne a couple of years and did not follow up. This is a great example of what could be done if we had an institute for democratic development. It is not just the monitoring of elections; that is very important, but it is also to help with democratic development in between elections.

I hope the government takes a look at that idea again, because if we had the capacity of a democratic development institute in this situation, it would have already been helping on the ground to resolve things, to show how a multi-party system works, and to provide strength to the people of Ukraine.

[Marc Garneau, Liberal, Westmount—Ville-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague for his words on this very important issue. I know that his party and my party agree on the need for targeted personal sanctions against Yanukovych and his entourage. We brought this up in December through the member for Wascana, who also brought up in question period today two other possibilities. One, which I know the member for Ottawa Centre is familiar with, has to do with expedited visas, and the other has to do with observers. I wonder if he could share with us some of his thoughts on those ideas.

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, as I enumerated in my comments, we would like to see that happen. We would like to see support for the Ukrainian people through the provision of safe passage, if need be, and we would like to see an assurance to the Ukrainian people that if they need support and help, they have it here. One of the ways to do that is to provide expedited visas for people to come here if need be.

The other is to have people on the ground. That is why I mentioned that if we did have the democratic development institute that I referred to, we would already have people there. Clearly if we can negotiate somehow to get people on the ground to help document what is happening, we should do it. It is one of the things I mentioned that we had put forward in concert with the suggestions by the Ukrainian-Canadian community and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. It put forward a very sensible package of recommendations, including the ones my colleague just mentioned. Absolutely we should do that, including those visa bans that I mentioned.

[Marc Garneau, Liberal, Westmount—Ville-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with my colleague, the member for Toronto Centre.

I am very glad that we are holding this important debate on the ongoing crisis in Ukraine, and I am privileged to have an opportunity to speak to it.

This issue is of great interest to Canadians, particularly the 1.2 million Canadians who can trace their roots back to Ukraine. Canada has the third largest population of Ukrainians in the world, behind Ukraine itself and Russia. They arrived primarily in three large waves between 1891 and 1952, in each case escaping chaos, war, and repression in their homeland and seeking freedom in Canada.

They have made immense contributions to our country, and these contributions continue to this day. While they are now well established as a community in Canada, many Ukrainian Canadians still maintain links with families and friends back in Ukraine and maintain a keen interest in the fate of their families.

Over the course of my remarks, I will argue that it is not only Ukrainian Canadians who have a stake in the crisis under way, but all of us. First, though, let me summarize the major events that have led us to where we are today.

The genesis of the current crisis, of course, can be traced back to November 21, 2013, when President Yanukovych suddenly and abruptly announced that he was walking away from an agreement, six years in the making, for closer economic and political ties with the EU, the same kind of agreements that other eastern European countries, such as Poland and the Baltic States, signed as part of their eventual admission into the EU and which are now bearing fruit in the form of more prosperous societies and better opportunities for its citizens.

Ukraine gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 and has been moving on a path towards closer integration with the European Union. President Yanukovych's actions broke sharply with that path, prompting an immediate and massive protest movement by ordinary Ukrainians, known, of course, as the Maidan.

For the rest of December and into the new year, vigorous but largely peaceful protests continued in Ukraine. This was met by increased repression by the Yanukovych regime and its Berkut riot police. On December 25, Tetyana Chornovol, a journalist and Euromaidan social activist, was brutally beaten by five assailants. This only reignited the protest movement into more determined opposition to the Yanukovych government.

On January 16, Yanukovych's party pushed through a series of draconian laws cracking down on the rights of Ukrainians to protest peacefully. The laws are too exhaustive to summarize, but I will include a few penalties, such as up to two years in jail for defamation of government officials, up to six years imprisonment for blocking access to someone's residence, up to three years in jail for distribution of extremist materials, and exemption from punishment for police who commit crimes against protestors.

Again, these harsh measures only made matters worse. In the last week, we have seen the first deaths of protestors by police, the spreading of the Euromaidan protests to more cities in Ukraine, and the occupation of several government buildings.

The crisis has reached the point where, as my colleague from Toronto Centre has put it, it will only end with severe repression or a total climb-down by the regime.

Over the weekend, Yanukovych gave signs of attempting such a climb-down. He offered senior positions in the government to two of the opposition leaders and floated offers to review some of the anti-democratic laws passed January 16. He revisited a recent constitutional change that gave his office of the presidency greater power, and he included more opposition members in the body overseeing elections and tasked with preventing election fraud.

We are at a critical moment in the history of Ukraine. What, if anything, can Canada do? What should we do?

Let me begin by stating the position of my party. We condemn the state-sanctioned violence against protestors. This is utterly unacceptable and should stop immediately. Those who have perpetrated violence must also be held to account.

The Ukrainian government must immediately repeal the anti-democratic laws adopted on January 16 and allow the Ukrainian people the right to assemble and speak freely and peacefully. They are now talking about it, but earlier today, they also talked about the possibility of imposing martial law, so we really do need to see some concrete results.

President Yanukovych must enter into real negotiations with opposition forces, not with ultimatums or unilateral offers, in order to de-escalate the situation and restore Ukraine's democratic path. Canada, for its part, should work closely with like-minded allies to bring real pressure on President Yanukovych and his political backers. Our government so far has offered that all options are on the table. While this statement is fine as far as it goes, we are at the point where we need to be more explicit.

When we last debated this situation on December 10, my hon. colleague from Wascana stressed on several occasions that Canada needs to move its position from rhetoric to concrete action. That was six weeks ago. Condemnations are fine but are not likely to contribute to real change in the long term.

What action might Canada take? Measures should include the Prime Minister directly contacting President Yanukovych. Efforts must be made by Canada to get the U.S. and European countries to join it in taking concrete steps to pressure Yanukovych into making changes.

There should be a push by Canada and its allies to set up talks between the Yanukovych government and opposition leaders; a demand to send observers, as we have done in the past; and the imposition of personal targeted sanctions against President Yanukovych and his political backers, both within and outside government, such as freezing personal assets and imposing travel restrictions.

As Liberals have long been calling for, the government has indicated that it is working with our allies to bring diplomatic pressure and coordinated action against the Yanukovych regime. Action is good, and we hope this consultation bears fruit soon. Joint action by Canada, the U.S., and the E.U. will be much more powerful than unilateral action on our part. However, in the event that our allies are unable to agree on coordinated action, Canada should be prepared to lead all the way. The example Canada would set might be important and would influence our allies to follow our lead.

Canada has a tradition of fighting for what is right: banning land mines; fighting apartheid in South Africa, including the imposition of sanctions; sending our peacekeepers into far-flung theatres such as the Balkans, Rwanda, Cyprus, and the Middle East to try to keep warring parties apart and save innocent lives; and crucial diplomatic interventions, going all the way back to Lester Pearson in diffusing the Suez crisis. Further than that, I would argue that we have an important stake in what happens in Ukraine, even though it requires us to think in a more long-term, strategic way.

The world is watching, in particular former countries of the Soviet Union, to see if Ukraine can continue to entrench democracy. My own colleague, the member for Toronto Centre, has described a competition between what could be viewed as democratic capitalism in the west and a more autocratic state-led capitalism in Russia.

While we are not back in the Cold War, and today's Russia is not the U.S.S.R. of the past, there is, however, a real competition of ideas, values, and systems at play. The rest of the world is taking note and is trying to determine which path leads to success.

Ukrainian protestors of Euromaidan can also teach us something about ourselves. They are not starry-eyed idealists. They understand that closer integration with the EU is not a complete panacea. In fact, it is likely to have some short-term pain. Ukrainians, though, especially the young people, understand that long-term economic success lies with the rule of law and institutions with free and democratic societies. They have seen the progress of their counterparts in Poland and the Balkan states. They see the wealth of the E.U. as a whole, despite its challenges. Most of all, however, they see the crucial importance of a country being able to determine its future democratically and with the rights and freedoms all humans deserve. They remind us of how valuable what we have here in Canada is, and it is important for us to remember this and be prepared to stand up for it.

[James Bezan, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of National Defence]

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the critic for foreign affairs from the Liberal Party for his intervention. I appreciated his support earlier today for the motion passed unanimously in the House condemning the violence in Ukraine.

He mentioned the young people and that they are a special generation. This generation has actually grown up outside the sphere of either a Soviet Union or a Russian czar. They had the true experience of growing up in a democratic country. I know that there are many watching here in the Chamber tonight. There are also those who have worked on the Hill as parliamentary interns through the Canada-Ukraine parliamentary program. So many of us have engaged with these bright, hard-working individuals who have such a hope and a dream of a free and independent Ukraine. I would ask if my friend from the Liberal Party could speak to those individuals who are watching and allow them to know that all of us here in Canada stand with them.

[Marc Garneau, Liberal, Westmount—Ville-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague for his comment. He is right. There is a whole new generation, because Ukraine began on its path to democracy in 1991. That was over 20 years ago today. They have grown up in a different world, far different from that which I watched from afar as a young person during the period of the Cold War. They have also now been exposed to many other parts of the world outside the traditional sphere that existed when it was the Soviet Union. They also are very sensitive and want the freedom, the right, and the liberty to control their own lives and make decisions about the direction they want their country to go.

We in Canada, who have always been champions of democracy, a Canada that has a Charter of Rights and Freedoms, must show this new young generation that we are with them and will support them to make sure that their aspirations are going to be realized in the years to come. They must feel our support.

[Hélène LeBlanc, NDP, LaSalle—Émard, QC]

Mr. Speaker, in its 2008 Speech from the Throne, the government made a commitment to create an agency to promote democracy. In light of the current situation, I think that would have been very useful for the transition toward democracy.

Could my colleague talk about this initiative, which I think could be a very useful and significant Canadian contribution to democracy around the world?

[Marc Garneau, Liberal, Westmount—Ville-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for her comments. We are all familiar with the decision the government made a few years ago. What it did was regrettable.

Let me turn to the issue we are concerned with today, the situation in Ukraine, and the fact that its current government may bring the country back into the orbit it wanted to leave a long time ago. In fact, it left that orbit to turn toward democracy. It must be said that democracy has been taking root in the country for 20 years.

It is not complicated. Canada's role is to protect democracy around the world and it must do its part. Canada must send a clear message to Ukraine that the actions of the Yanukovych government are unacceptable. We are here to support Ukrainians and to condemn the recent anti-democratic initiatives. They are not hard to understand in this case.

[Chrystia Freeland, Liberal, Toronto Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, as a Ukrainian Canadian on her first day in Parliament, it is both an honour and a tragedy to be speaking to the House about the tragic and brutal events in Ukraine.

My mother was born in a refugee camp. Her parents, together with her and her three sisters, were grateful and delighted to find refuge here in Canada, like so many other Ukrainian Canadians. It left such an imprint of gratitude and delight in Canada and all it offered that my grandfather would not permit any criticism of any Canadian government at his table, no matter which party was in power. I am afraid that in my new career, I am not going to be able to perfectly follow my grandfather's instruction.

What I would like to talk about is what is happening in Ukraine and why the stakes are so high for Ukrainians, for Canadians and for the world. As my colleague has just described, the struggle right now in Ukraine began over a European association agreement. Who knew that ordinary people could be so moved by trade treaties?

What it has become is a fight about democracy or dictatorship. The fact that this is what is at stake in Ukraine became very clear last week, when President Yanukovych tried, illegitimately, to ram a series of laws through parliament that would have severely restricted the rights of association, the rights of freedom of speech, the rights of assembly and, indeed, the rights of religious organizations, including the Ukrainian Catholic Church.

Ukrainians understand that this is the fight about that democracy that they have been working very hard to build, with a lot of setbacks, over the past 20 years. We should be inspired; I am inspired by what is happening right now in Ukraine. All of us as elected officials know about the cynicism we sometimes encounter from voters.

Imagine being Ukrainian and having gone through the Orange Revolution. It was not so long ago in 2004 and 2005. Ukrainians thought that they had won; they thought that they had really built democracy. It ultimately went so badly that they elected Yanukovych. Yet still today they have faith in democracy. They have such faith in the action of people and their ability to make change that they are out there in the streets, risking their lives.

What happens in Ukraine matters to the world, and particularly, as my hon. colleague described, in the neighbourhood where Ukraine finds itself, in the former Soviet Union and the former Warsaw Pact countries. These are parts of the world where the hold of democracy is tenuous. History did not end in 1991, despite Francis Fukuyama's prediction that it would. Right now, everyone in that part of the world is watching Ukraine very closely to see what the outcome will be, and to see if people like us, democratically elected officials in democracies, will not only talk the talk but walk the walk, and whether we believe in democracy enough to support it when it is at risk.

This is a tremendously important opportunity for Canada to be heard in the world. As we have heard so eloquently this evening, many of us represent communities with strong Ukrainian Canadian representation. Ukrainians are an important people and community in Canada, and Canada has an important voice in Ukraine. That was made manifest most powerfully by a Conservative government in 1991, when Canada and Poland were the first two countries to recognize Ukrainian independence.

Ukraine listens to us and the world listens to what we do and what we say about Ukraine. This is an opportunity, as my hon. colleague suggested, for us to do what Lester B. Pearson taught us, which is to punch above our weight in international affairs, by taking the lead on Ukraine.

It is really clear what we can do. It is wonderful for me as a Ukrainian Canadian to hear so much anguish, worry and sympathy for the people of Ukraine, but now is the time to act. There are three very clear things for us to do. The first is targeted sanctions against President Yanukovych and his allies in government. That will have an impact. Indeed, one of the jokes that people tell in the former Soviet Union now is that their dictators want to rule like Stalin but live like Abramovich. That is what globalization allows nowadays, that one can be a dictator at home but have a villa on Cap Ferrat. We cannot allow that to happen and must say that they cannot have it both ways.

The second thing that we have to do is to provide expedited visas for the people who have put their lives at risk on the Euromaidan. Again, this would be a very important symbolic statement that we are with them.

Third, we have to send high-level observers. Sunlight is the best disinfectant, and if we are watching, I can assure everyone there will be less brutality.

I hope I will be permitted, since this is my first statement in the House and we are talking about Ukraine, to share one of the slogans of the Euromaidan.

[Member spoke Ukrainian and provided the following translation:]

The people united cannot be defeated.

[English]

That is true today in Ukraine if we unite with them and actually act. As a Ukrainian Canadian and a proud member of Canada's Parliament, the words of support are terrific, but now let us do something.

[Wladyslaw Lizon, Conservative, Mississauga East—Cooksville, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I am very honoured to put my first question in this debate to the hon. member on her first day in Parliament.

I listened very carefully to her speech and other speeches in the House. We talk about sanctions and I have mentioned on occasion in Parliament that I was born and raised in Poland. My past was in the Solidarity movement that eventually brought freedom and the collapse of communism. I remember the sanctions of 1981 after the introduction of martial law in Poland. There were sanctions by different countries, including the United States of America and some European countries. I remember a government spokesman speaking after that. Some of the sanctions limited food supplies coming to Poland and he said that there would be enough food for the government.

Therefore, my question to the hon. member is this. How should different governments act in imposing sanctions that will not affect the people of Ukraine but affect the oligarchs in the government?

[Chrystia Freeland, Liberal, Toronto Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for the question, which reflects a deeply lived experience of events similar to those in Ukraine.

If I may, I would like to answer as I did to my nine-year-old daughter yesterday. We were at a rally for the Euromaidan in Toronto. When we got home, she said, “You are talking about sanctions, but it is going to hurt the people of Ukraine. Isn't that a bad idea?” What I said to her was that these must be directly targeted personal sanctions. In particular, we need to target visa travel, find and freeze the assets in the west, and say that the regime cannot have it both ways. The government cannot be a dictator at home and travel abroad and buy real estate.

[Alex Atamanenko, NDP, British Columbia Southern Interior, BC]

Mr. Speaker, I would first like to congratulate my colleague on her recent election and thank her for her speech.

One thing I have been thinking about during this whole debate and the tragedy that is happening is that Ukrainians are under the shadow of a very powerful Russia, which is attempting to dictate policy. We have a similar but not analogous situation. We live in the shadow of the United States and have been able to navigate Big Brother somehow and chart our independence. What can we offer our brothers and sisters in Ukraine to help them somehow live with the shadow of Russia but maintain their independent path?

[Chrystia Freeland, Liberal, Toronto Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for the excellent question. That similarity in position might well be why Ukrainians find themselves so much at home in Canada.

There is a saying in about politicians in Ukraine that they do not need umbrellas because they need to know how to walk between the raindrops as they navigate their way between Russia and the west. I think President Yanukovych was caught in this dilemma and he did indeed face tremendous pressure in the decision he made in the fall.

Right now, though, I do not think it is a question of subtlety. I think that President Yanukovych has attempted to restrict very severely the democratic freedoms that Ukrainians have enjoyed for 20 years. At this point, his big decision is what he should do with his people in Ukraine.

I hope that the Canadian observers we have been talking about can play an essential role. There is a need right now for mediators between the opposition and the government. Canadians could be trusted interlocutors, and I hope we will send a high-level delegation there soon.

[Wladyslaw Lizon, Conservative, Mississauga East—Cooksville, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I am very honoured to take part in this debate. I did participate in the debate we had not that long ago. Unfortunately, the situation in Ukraine is not improving.

To start, I would like to make a few comments on the evolution of the situation in Ukraine. It is being followed with increasing concern by participating states in the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, which includes Canada and Ukraine. Even more so, we recall that Ukraine held the OSCE chairmanship in 2013 and hosted the 20th ministerial council in early December as events unfolded outside in the streets of Kiev.

When Ukraine took over the chairmanship in 2013, Canada spelled out very clearly its expectations for Ukraine to lead by example. This meant fully implementing its OSCE commitments, particularly those related to the protection and promotion of human rights, democratization and rule of law.

As Ukraine's OSCE chairmanship drew to an end and violence continued to escalate, needless to say, Canada was extremely disappointed over Ukraine's failure to listen to its people and find a peaceful resolution to the crisis leading to a free, democratic and prosperous future.

When our Minister of Foreign Affairs travelled to Kiev in December and attended the OSCE's ministerial council, he used it as an opportunity to remind the government of Ukraine that OSCE principles and commitments alone were not enough. He stressed that, as democratic actors, we have all accepted to be held accountable for the implementation of these commitments. The minister capitalized on the multilateral venue of the OSCE to drive home and amplify Canada's unequivocal message of support for the democratic rights of all Ukrainians. With the OSCE chairmanship having been transferred over to Switzerland for 2014, Canada and other like-minded countries have made it clear that the situation in Ukraine will remain a priority in the OSCE context.

Mr. Speaker, I should have mentioned at the beginning of my speech that I would be splitting my time with my colleague, the member for Elmwood—Transcona.

The OSCE was founded nearly 40 years ago to foster dialogue and co-operation on security issues. As the only pan-European security organization that spans the Euro-Atlantic region, the OSCE is uniquely placed to help resolve the crisis in Ukraine. Peaceful dialogue is at the core of the OSCE's work, and finding common ground through political means is its raison d'être. Respect of fundamental rights, such as freedom of assembly, the right to free expression and giving journalists the liberty to do their work, is essential to ensuring cohesive and secure societies.

The 2014 OSCE chairperson in office, Swiss Foreign Minister Didier Burkhalter, has proposed to Ukraine Prime Minister Mykola Azarov that he draw on the OSCE's expertise to facilitate dialogue between the government and opposition and has offered a range of possible activities over the middle and long term, such as election support. Canada, through its mission to the OSCE, has encouraged the Ukrainian authorities to take advantage of the Swiss offer.

Following a request from the committee on human rights, national minorities and inter-ethnic relations of the Ukrainian parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, the OSCE office for democratic institutions and human rights is currently conducting a review of the compatibility of the new laws with Ukraine's OSCE commitments, such as how they relate to public assemblies, among other issues.

The review is expected to be completed by early February. Canada's mission to the OSCE repeatedly called for such a review to be made with the view of repealing any provisions that would be found to be incompatible with the OSCE commitments.

As such, Canada will follow closely how the government of Ukraine responds to this review. Canada will remain strongly engaged at the OSCE in keeping the Ukrainian crisis at the forefront of discussions among the participating states. We have denounced the draconian laws adopted without a proper vote and in violation of parliamentary procedure by the Ukrainian Rada. We have expressed our concerns with the violent clashes and deaths of protesters and called for restraint on all sides. Through our statements at the OSCE, we continue to put pressure on the Ukrainian government to engage without delay in a meaningful dialogue with its citizens to find a peaceful and democratic solution to the crisis.

As the former OSCE chairmanship, Ukraine is fully aware of the assistance the OSCE can provide. Canada joins others who are like-minded in urging Ukraine to take advantage of OSCE tools and instruments to defuse the crisis and pave a way forward.

I would like to add some of my thoughts to my written speech, because it is really very important that we in Canada look very closely at what is happening now in Ukraine. I read recent news and I understand that in the round of talks between President Yanukovych and the opposition, while they say that it was partially successful and that apparently some of these new laws would be withdrawn, the offer of power-sharing was not accepted by the opposition.

The leaders of opposition parties that took part in the talks do not want to be part of a government that oppresses people. I do not think they want to be put in a trap as leaders of their democratic parties, and that includes Arseniy Yatsenyuk who was offered the position of prime minister. That includes Vitali Klitschko who was offered the position of the deputy prime minister.

The reason people are there in the cold at the squares in Kiev and at other cities in Ukraine—because the province is spread out—is that they love their country and they want to have their voice in determining the future of Ukraine.

If Ukrainians sing their national anthem, one of the lines says: [Member speaks in Ukrainian language]. It means souls and bodies who lay down for our freedom. It means we love our country so much that we are not afraid to die to make sure our country is free and democratic. Ukrainians were fighting for independence for hundreds of years, and they deserve a free country, they deserve a democratic country and they deserve to be in charge of their own country.

In the words of the national anthem that is not used anymore because it is pre-2003, there is another line that says: [Member speaks in Ukrainian language]. It means we will not allow others to rule in our motherland.

Neither Russia nor any other neighbour of Ukraine has the right to tell Ukrainians what to do. We here in this Parliament can join other powers and show Ukrainians in the Maidan and other places a victory sign that they will be successful and we will be supporting them.

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his passion and determination to see that we do support the people of Ukraine and, to that end, talk about the need for action.

Clearly the people have taken action. They have done it in a way in which people in the past with democratic beliefs challenged authoritarian regimes: with peaceful modality. Violence against the people of Ukraine is clearly something we all have to be critical of, and also we must say what we would do. To that end, I would like to know if my colleague will join with others who have said they are willing to have targeted sanctions on the individuals who are responsible for these heinous actions.

I would ask the member if he has brought this forward within his own caucus. I know his passion is clear on the issue. My question is: Has he brought this forward to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, as we have on this side, to bring in targeted sanctions to ensure we are going to take action when it comes to the government of Ukraine?

[Wladyslaw Lizon, Conservative, Mississauga East—Cooksville, ON]

Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned before, action is very important. We have to work together with other governments and make sure that whatever measures we bring forward hurt most those who are behind the operation, who are behind President Yanukovych and running the show there, which would include the oligarchs. Whatever we do, we have to make sure it does not hurt the people of Ukraine. Yes, I agree that action taken together with other governments is necessary. We have to help the Ukrainian people.

They are a peaceful people who want to be good neighbours to the people in the north, east and west. They want to work together with Europe and Russia. They will be neighbours with Russia, I hope, for many centuries to come. They want to be good neighbours. However, whatever measures we bring—

[The Acting Speaker, Conservative, Bruce Stanton]

We only have five minutes for questions and comments. We will try to get as many people in as we can.

The hon. member for Winnipeg North.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Speaker, we have been suggesting that what the government really needs to do is look at targeted sanctions. In fact, the deputy leader of the Liberal Party, back just before we recessed, emphasized that point time and time again.

I have a very good friend, Boris Wrzesnewskyj, who has done a wonderful job in making sure we are kept informed as a caucus in terms of what should be done. Like many Canadians, he has a Facebook account and likes to make suggestions. He reinforces what the Ukrainian Canadian Congress is suggesting, which is targeted sanctions.

Can the member specifically answer if the government supports targeted sanctions? Why is it taking so long to provide a clear answer on that?