Debates of Oct. 20th, 2016

Opposition Motion—Genocide Against the Yazidi people

[Peter Kent, Conservative, Thornhill, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with my colleague from Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan.

I stand in frustrated and impatient support of the motion by the official opposition. I am frustrated because the Liberal government has so deliberately looked the other way in responding to the Yazidi genocide. First, it refused for so long to recognize what was clear to other democracies around the world, that Daesh, so-called ISIS, has committed the crime of genocide and a variety of crimes against humanity and war crimes against the Yazidis.

Then, when the Liberals finally recognized this outrage, they have for four months now refused to act, to consider even the most minimal of Canada's state obligations under the UN genocide convention. Two of these obligations are referenced in the motion before us today: to take immediate action upon all recommendations found in sections 210, 212, and 213 of the UN report, and to provide asylum to Yazidi women and girls.

I am impatient because Liberals, from the immigration minister down, have ignored those recommendations by virtually bragging that Canada does not seek to identify refugees by religious or ethnic groupings, and because Liberals, again from the minister down, have excused their government's inaction by saying they only accept refugees on the basis of recommendation and certification of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. That is why the motion has been brought before the House today. That is why we in the official opposition are calling on the Liberal government to urgently, if belatedly, reassess and refocus Canada's refugee program.

I was asked yesterday, when notice of today's motion was given, exactly how many Yazidis live in Canada. I think the implication of that question is unfortunately clear. My answer is not many, maybe 4,000 or 5,000 naturalized Canadian citizens or permanent residents, perhaps not from the government's point of view a major political consideration. However, in my riding of Thornhill and across the country, survivors and descendants of the Holocaust and other genocides share my anger and frustration with the government's deliberate inaction on this tragedy.

Of course, I should recognize here the magnificent work done by the Jewish community of Winnipeg with Operation Ezra, which aims to sponsor privately, rescue, and resettle Yazidi refugees in Canada. Many of my constituents in Thornhill are standing by, again willing to sponsor, but the government is not stepping up and enabling those sponsorships.

Canadians have been pretty much left in the dark since the genocide was recognized by the government, despite, as I mentioned, a wide range of obligations that should have triggered Canada as a signatory to the UN genocide convention. While the government currently defers to the UNHCR to identify refugees for resettlement and literally boasts that Canada does not track refugees by religion or ethnicity, we believe the recognition of the genocide and associated atrocities that have been and continue to be committed should have immediately prompted a change in the selection process and should still, prioritizing the acceptance of Yazidis, particularly women, widows, and girls, as well as other persecuted minorities. In short, Conservatives believe that Canada should, when it comes to the Yazidis, deliberately circumvent the UNHCR process for all of the reasons offered here today.

The independent international commission recommended that all parties fighting against Daesh strongly consider rescue plans for thousands of Yazidis still captive in areas held by Daesh. We know that Canada is not in a position to consider such action. More importantly, we must hope that the allied coalition's Operation Inherent Resolve, now focused on liberating Mosul, will result in the effective rescue of many Yazidi prisoners. However, a rescue dimension could and should also apply to the many thousands of individually internally displaced Yazidi people, so-called IDPs, who are in the Kurdish autonomous region of Iraq.

We know that more than 500,000 Iraqi Yazidis were driven from Sinjar and other communities, many finding sanctuary of a sort in Iraq's Kurdish autonomous region. However, these internally displaced persons, or IDPs, are not recognized or certified by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees as refugees.

We heard powerful first-hand testimony from a strong, articulate, young survivor of the genocide and brutalization, Nadia Murad, at a special sitting of the House Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration in July, that these displaced Yazidis, along with other persecuted minorities in Iraq, are caught in a terrible limbo. They often face discrimination, less deadly than from Daesh, but discrimination nonetheless, when they register at UN camps, where they are segregated from the others for their own protection.

Outside the camps, the Kurdish sub-sovereign government tries to provide humanitarian food and health services, but there is precious little funding for these IDPs from the Government of Iraq, which should be doing much more. The situation is somewhat better, but only somewhat better, for thousands of Yazidis who have made their way to relative safety in Turkey. However, we were saddened and again frustrated to learn that, while the UN High Commissioner for Refugees tells us that it has submitted Yazidi women from Iraq for resettlement from Turkey, it is for Canada to say if the government is considering taking Iraqi Yazidis from Turkey as part of our refugee program. Unfortunately, the Liberal government has not stepped up.

We can be encouraged by the significant and continuing battlefield successes of the allied coalition against the dark, murderous forces of Daesh, but the liberation of cities and towns previously home to millions of Iraqi civilians of many regions, religions, and ethnicities is coming at a terrible cost. These cities are in different states of destruction and rubble, without basic services, and littered with many tonnes of unexploded explosives and booby traps. It has been estimated that it will take billions of dollars to make these cities safe, and many billions of dollars more and years to rebuild.

We know that however generously welcoming Canada and other developed countries might be during this massive refugee crisis, most of the millions of displaced survivors of the wars in Syria and Iraq, and the genocide, can only hope that one day they will be able to return to try to rebuild their homes, communities, and their lives. That is at best a faint hope for the Muslim victims of these wars, but hope is much fainter for the persecuted minorities who survive the conflict, particularly the victims of the Daesh genocide, the Yazidis.

We have suggested to the government several steps that Canada could take to help this tragedy. We suggested a removal of the cap on private sponsorships of Iraqi nationals. Our previous Conservative government did not have a cap on Iraqi or Syrian sponsorship. The Liberals have still not explained why they have chosen to impose a cap. We also urge the Liberal government to reframe Canada's refugee policy to address the specific Yazidi tragedy, to prioritize the most vulnerable, and to actively seek to identify and process survivors of the genocide.

A year ago, the Prime Minister told us that bringing 25,000 refugees to Canada was only a matter of political will. We on this side of the House hope that, despite the delay, the denial, and the inaction to date, the government will finally be moved to the same demonstration of political will and act to provide asylum and proper resettlement, specifically for Yazidi women, widows, and children.

[Pam Goldsmith-Jones, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs]

Mr. Speaker, obviously parliamentarians in the House are informed and compassionate.

I know the member had more to say and he was rushed at the end of his speech, so I would like to give him the opportunity to discuss further his thoughts around reframing refugee policy.

[Peter Kent, Conservative, Thornhill, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I missed the last part of my colleague's question, but I thank her for the question.

What was it that my colleague wanted me to explore and amplify my remarks on?

[Pam Goldsmith-Jones, Liberal, West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, BC]

Mr. Speaker, on reframing refugee policy, it is our government's position that we prioritize the most vulnerable, but perhaps he has further ideas.

[Peter Kent, Conservative, Thornhill, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for the opportunity to respond.

What the government needs to do and should do is rethink its general policy of being blind to the religious or ethnic background of refugees generally. More specifically, after recognizing the genocide back in June of this year, it needs to to respond appropriately to the most vulnerable, those most at risk in this continuing genocide, to make exceptions and respond to the United Nations direction under the genocide convention to do more to rescue these people. Rescue comes in many forms.

In response to the Yazidi who have survived the genocide and have literally walked across their country and are now sitting in limbo in northern Iraq, where they are not recognized by the UN as refugees, I think the government should unilaterally rethink its policy. We know it has access. Foreign Affairs has sent a small mission there to investigate the situation in the Kurdish autonomous region. It needs to circumvent the UNHCR restrictions that do not recognize these Yazidi as refugees, and should act to bring at least some of them to Canada for resettlement.

[Brigitte Sansoucy, NDP, Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I will gladly vote in favour of this motion, but given that the international community has been hearing about these atrocities since August 2014, it is astonishing that it has taken two years for any action to be taken.

As my colleague from Laurier—Sainte-Marie said earlier, when vulnerability is a concern, justice is extremely important and we need to trust the refugee determination process in place.

We know that the government wants a seat on the UN Security Council. Does my colleague not think that, in addition to what is in the motion, we need to engage with the UN Security Council on this issue?

[Peter Kent, Conservative, Thornhill, ON]

Mr. Speaker, to respond to the first part of the question, yes, indeed, we saw Daesh or ISIS sweeping across Iraq and Syria in 2014. But as Daesh attacked and progressed across the region and Iraqi and Syrian forces retreated and abandoned communities, we were unable to have access. It was only in the last year that Yazidis have moved to places where they are accessible for processing by Canadian immigration officials for consideration, if the government would change its focus to accept Yazidi refugees specifically.

Yes, the motion today could make many more requests on the government for action, but I think, first and foremost, if we can convince the government to rethink its basic position of looking away and refusing to recognize specifically our responsibilities under the genocide convention to the victims of the Yazidi genocide, then I think we will have accomplished a good deal.

I know that among the members on the government benches, there are many who agree with us, and were they not whipped, would vote with us to pass this resolution.

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to have this opportunity to take part in this important discussion. I hope that all hon. members are familiar with the tragic situation facing the Yazidi people and Christians in Iraq and Syria.

A genocide is taking place. Representatives of the Yazidi community are here in Parliament. They are asking us to give their people the chance to live in freedom and to continue their way of life. We must respond to the specific and unique situation facing the Yazidis and Christians.

We understand that the situation in Iraq and Syria is very difficult for all communities, but it is clear that the Yazidis and the Christians are in a unique situation. The general violence is having a tremendous impact, but the impact of this genocide is on a whole other scale.

What is a refugee? It is a fairly simple question, but it would seem from what we have heard at certain points from the Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship that he does not actually know what a refugee is, according to the formal definition.

If the minister goes to the website for the UN High Commission for Refugees, he will find the following definition under the heading, “What is a refugee”:

A refugee is someone who has been forced to flee his or her country because of persecution, war, or violence. A refugee has a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group.

The definition comes from the 1951 UN convention relating to the status of refugees, to which Canada is a signatory.

Under Article I it states:

For the purposes of the present Convention, the term “refugee” shall apply to any person who....owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.

This convention was updated by a 1967 protocol, to which Canada is also a party, which removed certain temporal and geographic restrictions. However, other than that update, the original convention remains in force, and we remain a signatory. Therefore, for the benefit of the minister and the government, that definition of a refugee is clearly set out in international law to which Canada has assented. The minister should know that definition and should apply it, as he has a moral and legal obligation to do so.

As I stated, the core of that definition is that a person has a fear of persecution on the basis of certain identifiable characteristics, yet the minister has told the House that his government does not even identify or track whether refugee applicants qualify as members of these particular identifiable groups, which might expose them to particular persecution.

On October 5, he said this in the House:

Mr. Speaker, we do not know how many Yazidi refugees have come to Canada, because when refugees come to Canada, we do not ask them their ethnicity or their religion. We do not discriminate by religion or ethnicity.

While it appears that the parliamentary secretary said something slightly different today, that is what the minister told the House during question period on October 5. I can only conclude from his statement that the minister is either unaware of or unwilling to apply the UN definition of a refugee. As mentioned, this definition specifically entails an assessment of whether or not that person seeking refugee status faces discrimination in their country of origin on the basis of religion, ethnicity, or some other characteristic. We cannot have a serious refugee system without asking if someone fears persecution in their home country, and if so, on what basis. Even beyond the specific question of Yazidis, this exposes an apparent, very serious problem in the way the minister is doing refugee assessment.

The minister said in his comments that Canada should not discriminate by asking questions about religion or ethnicity. However, as a point of basic principle, the minister seems not to understand the difference between ordinary discrimination and ameliorative discrimination, by which I mean the process of providing compensatory advantages for historically disadvantaged minorities who need protection.

Ameliorative discrimination is explicitly protected in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, in two separate sections. Most centrally, on equality rights, subsection 15(2) reads:

Subsection (1) does not preclude any law, program or activity that has as its object the amelioration of conditions of disadvantaged individuals or groups including those that are disadvantaged because of race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability.

The clear distinction is made in our law between traditional discrimination aimed at keeping disadvantaged groups down on the one hand, and ameliorative discrimination aimed at raising the relative position of disadvantaged groups on the other hand. This distinction is clearly understood in our domestic human rights jurisprudence, as well as in international law and practice with respect to refugees.

Beyond the definitions and the question of our legal obligation, there is an obvious practical reason why the definition of refugees identifies those who legitimately fear discrimination on the basis of personal characteristics. It is because Canadians expect that when we set out to help people, we work to help those who need the help the most: the vulnerable.

There are many places around the world where people face death, imprisonment, rape, and other forms of abuse because of those identifiable characteristics. Syria and Iraq are obviously very challenging places for anyone right now, but there are groups and individuals who are being singled out for abuse and who are the targets of genocide.

The UN convention on refugees calls on us to respond to them in a particular way, as refugees. However, the Liberals' approach up until now has been to take pride in their ignorance, to stick their head in the sand and to say that they do not track that. They do so without understanding the basis of every legitimate refugee claim, which according to the UN definition is a well-founded fear of persecution, and without understanding that taking those who fit the UN definition of a refugee and are genuinely most vulnerable requires us to notice and ask about these identifiable characteristics. Of course, our system of intake should be asking about the basis on which people have a fear of persecution in order to assess the credibility of their claim and their relative vulnerability. Again, if the government cares about refugees, it should learn the legal definition of a refugee and apply it.

In the past, some have implied that applying the UN definition of a refugee means that we might not end up taking people from certain groups. They have implied that it might mean not taking Muslims, but that is absolutely not the case and that insinuation in some cases shows a real profound misunderstanding of the human rights challenges that exist.

Of course, a Shia Muslim from Saudi Arabia would have a well-founded fear of discrimination on the basis of religion, but a Shia Muslim in Iran would not. A Sunni Muslim from Crimea or East Turkestan would likely have a well-founded fear of discrimination on the basis of religion, but a Sunni Muslim from Egypt would not. An Orthodox Christian from Iraq would have a well-founded fear of discrimination on the basis of religion, but an Orthodox Christian from Russia probably would not. A devout Buddhist from China would have a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis of religion, but a Buddhist from Sri Lanka would not. Moreover, a Hindu in Sri Lanka might have a well-founded fear of discrimination on the basis of religion, but a Hindu from India would not. I could go on and on.

The point is that it is about vulnerability. The UN definition is not fundamentally about a religious test. It is about a system of ameliorative discrimination, the counter discrimination that exists in the real world. that requires an adjudication of the situation on the ground of the characteristics of the applicant and the credibility of the claim of discrimination on that basis. Again, we have to ask the question.

Through our motion today we are calling on the government to take notice of and to respond to the particular discrimination faced by Yazidis, Syrian Christians, and other minorities who have been marked out for slaughter by Daesh and their fellow travellers. We should be ensuring that we are taking the victims of genocide, escaped sex slaves, and those who truly need our help the most.

I note from some of the comments by members on the government side that we are seeing more agreement today, and I am optimistic about where that may lead us. I will tell the government that we can only take a nonpartisan tone insofar as the government is doing the right thing. It is far too late at this stage, but I am hopeful that we will see the government make a shift on this. The government has to understand and appreciate these basic principles of refugee determination. It is legitimate to ask the questions and critically important that we take those who are the most vulnerable.

If members of the government remain unconvinced, let me restate the argument in somewhat different terms. What we are saying today in the motion is that Yazidi lives matter. The government's response is in some way akin to saying all lives matter, and, of course, it is true that all lives matter, but it is not the correct response to the specific assertion in this context that Yazidi lives matter. The reason that we need to say that Yazidi lives matter is that it is their lives that are particularly threatened in this context.

I think members would accept in principle that if we have a problem with religious or racial discrimination, it is no virtue to put our head in the sand and pretend that we do not notice a difference, on the basis of being colour-blind or blind to religious or ethnic differences. In cases where systematic discrimination exists, taking the time to notice these problems and recognizing the need for ameliorative measures is critical.

No one disputes in principle that all lives matter, but we do need to attend to those whose lives have not been recognized or respected. That is why we need a refugee approach that notices and responds to difference. It should not be that hard for the government to start noticing and tracking these things. When the officials were specifically asked about this in the technical briefing at the end of last year, they responded that they do not have data fields for it. I say respectfully to the minister and to the government that it is time to fix the data fields, because people are dying.

[Karen McCrimmon, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Veterans Affairs and Associate Minister of National Defence]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the hon. member for the passion that he brings to this particular issue. It is obvious he is very knowledgeable on the topic, and that is important here. I have always believed that to solve serious and complex issues such as this, we in this House need to find a way to work together. Maybe this is the start of that kind of dialogue that we need.

Does the member have any ideas about how we can make these kinds of discussions less partisan? How do we create those opportunities?

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Mr. Speaker, I will say this about partisanship in general. We have a responsibility to those who send us here to be as non-partisan as possible while being true to our principles.

To the extent that the government is willing to support this motion, and to the extent that we can come to some agreement on certain aspects of it, we have a responsibility to move in that direction. At the same time, we had a motion on genocide earlier that was defeated.

It shows that we have not always been able to reach a point of collaboration on these issues. To the extent that the government is willing to listen to these arguments, not just listen and hear but to take concrete action and respond to them, then certainly we will be supportive of the approach of the government insofar as it actually responds to the challenges.

To date, to be frank, we have not seen an approach that recognizes the reality of the distinctions, and the need for a response that is specifically ameliorative toward those most vulnerable communities.

I do not think we have seen that recognition. As recently as the comments I quoted earlier this month from the Minister of Immigration in question period, we did not see that recognition.

If the government is willing to change direction on this, support this motion, and support the action that we think needs to be taken, not only with respect to Yazidis but also with respect to Assyrian Christians and other minorities, I will be very supportive of that change, and I will be supportive of the new direction.

[Kennedy Stewart, NDP, Burnaby South, BC]

Mr. Speaker, I have enjoyed the debate here this morning. I would like to thank the Conservatives for bringing this motion forward, and I will be supporting it of course.

I was listening to the member's speech, and he does seem very knowledgeable about the issue of refugees. I might have misinterpreted what he said. When we are debating the definition of refugees and whether it is appropriate, I hope the member is not implying that there are some people in Canada who have been classified as refugees, and they may have been, in his opinion, mistakenly classified as refugees.

Could the member clarify that point? If there are any groups that perhaps should not be classified as refugees, could he indicate which groups these might be?

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Mr. Speaker, if that was unclear, I appreciate the question because it does give me a chance to clarify. That was certainly not what I was intending to say.

The definition of a refugee entails exactly what I said it entails. It entails that relative vulnerability. It entails that issue of persecution. That would not exclude any particular group. It would ask us to actually assess the relative vulnerability.

We know Syria and Iraq are so complex that there are going to be different groups that face different kinds of persecution in different parts of that conflict. It is important that we engage, and look at relative vulnerability, that we track this information, that we ask these questions, and in particular seek to help those who are most vulnerable.

[Pam Goldsmith-Jones, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs]

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Markham—Unionville.

I thank the hon. member for putting this pressing issue on the agenda for a more thorough debate. This motion comes at a major turning point in the fight against Daesh. The Iraqi security forces, supported by the global coalition against Daesh, are currently approaching Mosul, the self-proclaimed capital of Daesh in Iraq and its last stronghold in that country.

Canada has been a member of the coalition supporting Iraq since 2014. The training and expertise that we provide to the Iraqi forces and their partners will become invaluable in the coming weeks and months, as the fight against this terrorist organization continues.

However, Canada's role in Iraq goes beyond military support. Canada is investing over $1.6 billion over three years for countering Daesh, and responding to the crises in Iraq and Syria, and to address the significant and tragic impact on the wider region. This includes $840 million in humanitarian assistance, which goes directly to trusted partners for immediate work.

When the hon. member of the opposition calls on this House to support recommendations made by the UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria, this government can say with confidence that it agrees, and it can demonstrate that it is already acting on the recommendations raised in the inquiry.

Ours was the first government to formerly call on the United Nations Security Council for urgent action with regard to the genocide occurring against the Yazidi people.

Daesh and its followers have attacked innocent civilians around the world. Its vile message of hatred knows no borders, but its gravest abuses have been concentrated in Iraq and Syria. The majority of victims have been Muslim, though it has also perpetrated crimes against minority groups, including Christians, Shabaks, Turkmen, and Yazidis.

The Yazidis in northern Iraq have suffered the loss of as many as 5,000 members of their community; 7,000 have been captured, mainly in Syria. Women and girls are forced into sexual slavery; boys are indoctrinated and used as child soldiers.

In the face of genocide against the Yazidis, it is most fitting that all parties in the House join together in support of the opposition member's motion. The Government of Canada has recognized Daesh's crimes against the Yazidis. We have called on the Security Council to take action, and we have been, and continue to participate, in collecting and documenting evidence to ensure that those responsible are held to account.

In terms of immediate action, our government is supporting the delivery of critical psychosocial care to victims. Our humanitarian assistance is also helping to meet basic needs and improve the Yazidis' conditions in camps and host communities. Many of these are located within Iraq where access has been extraordinarily difficult. To ensure Yazidis have the option to return to their homes, we are also supporting the clearance of improvised explosive devices in areas of Iraq that have been newly liberated from Daesh.

Last month, the Minister of Foreign Affairs attended the United Nations General Assembly, where the questions raised by the commission of inquiry about Daesh's horrific crimes and the international community's response to these unspeakable crimes were his first priority. The commission's report documents grave violations of international humanitarian and criminal law.

The minister has stayed focused on the evidence, and on taking action to bring Daesh to justice for its genocide against the Yazidi people. Canada is appalled by these widespread abuses, and the sexual and gender-based violence committed against religious and ethnic communities.

Recent exchanges in New York with representatives of the Yazidi community and senior government officials have advanced our understanding of what steps the international community can and should take.

As leaders in the international community on this issue, I would like to update the House on the many efforts made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the fight against Daesh.

With regard to the United Nations, twice, in May and again in June of this year, the Minister of Foreign Affairs wrote to the president of the Security Council to urge it to take action on the matter of Daesh's crimes. On June 16, the Minister of Foreign Affairs stood before the House to recognize the atrocities committed by Daesh against the Yazidis of Sinjar and to state, unequivocally, that these crimes constitute genocide. The Minister of Foreign Affairs continues to call on the UN Security Council to take steps to ensure that those responsible for the atrocious crimes perpetrated by Daesh in Iraq and Syria are held accountable.

In July, my colleague, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Consular Affairs, met with Ms. Nadia Murad, a member of the Yazidi community of Iraq and a survivor of sexual violence perpetrated by Daesh, to discuss the plight of her family, friends, and community.

Our mission in Baghdad has been active in reaching out to Yazidi organizations and Iraqi authorities.

In September, in New York, the Minister of Foreign Affairs participated in a dedicated session at the UN General Assembly on the subject of holding Daesh to account. At this high-level meeting, the Minister of Foreign Affairs called upon the UN to establish a special commission to investigate Daesh activities, and called for more action from the international community and, specifically, from the Security Council.

With regard to our international partners, we will be working closely with the U.K. and others in the coming months to activate a core group of actors, and coordinate between governments and relevant organizations as we work toward international consensus on which mechanisms are most effective in ensuring accountability for the atrocities committed by Daesh.

I would also like to express the importance of regional and national partnerships in documenting Daesh crimes and holding it responsible. Iraq's participation, in particular, is critical, which is why Canada supports the Iraqi government's effort to improve governance in the country, strengthen institutions, and mend ethnic and religious divides.

The government is undertaking an integrated approach to the crisis in Syria.

To ensure that Daesh fighters are brought to justice and that victims receive healing support, the government is engaged in evidence collection, in support for courts, and in care for victims.

The starting point of justice and holding Daesh to account is securing the necessary evidence. Canada funds work by civil society organizations in Iraq and Syria to preserve critical evidence, which includes the mass graves that continue to be uncovered as territory is re-taken from Daesh.

Organizations we support, such as the Commission for International Justice and Accountability, have developed legal case files focusing on Daesh criminality in Iraq and Syria, including sexual slavery.

In order to pursue Daesh, local governments and the international community will have to determine the right court system to pursue justice. Options that exist include the International Criminal Court, ad hoc international criminal tribunals or hybrid tribunals, state-level criminal prosecution, and civil actions.

Whichever judicial mechanism or mechanisms are pursued, it is critical that the government of Iraq and the international community, in general, be supported and engaged. The international courts only function if they have the necessary international co-operation. Domestic courts need to have the capacity to conduct fair and independent trials. Canada is actively looking at ways in which we can provide capacity-building to support the important elements of the Iraqi justice sector.

As the international community seeks justice for these crimes, it is important that the survivors of these grave abuses be provided with the care they need. In particular, victims of sexual violence and slavery require urgent psychosocial and medical assistance.

Since 2014, Canada has supported experienced humanitarian partners in Iraq, including the United Nations Population Fund.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs is deeply committed to pushing the international community to help alleviate the terrible suffering of the Yazidi victims of Daesh, as well as to lay the foundation for a process of transition in the societies affected by Daesh.

This government can say with confidence that we are actively advancing the issues contained in the commission's recommendations. We have been active in the military fight against Daesh, and we have led in calling on the United Nations Security Council to declare that crimes against the Yazidis constitute genocide. We have engaged international and local partners to be as effective as possible.

From the outset, we have insisted on evidence collection so that, together with our partners, we can hold Daesh accountable for the crime of genocide. We are engaged in assessing an appropriate court system to this end. Throughout, we are providing essential support for the victims who are at the centre of all of our efforts.

In closing, we recognized that the crimes committed by Daesh in Sinjar constituted genocide and we asked the Security Council to intervene. On behalf of the entire House, we are incredibly grateful to the Canadian men and women who work on the ground providing military intelligence, training, and support in the fight against Daesh, as well as ensuring the safety and security of the victims in Syria.

[Tom Kmiec, Conservative, Calgary Shepard, AB]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the parliamentary secretary for her contributions to this debate, so far.

Why did her government initially vote against the opposition motion that basically recognized the genocide that was going on, and continues to be going on? Does her government now recognize, as well, the genocide of Christians and Kurds in the region?

[Pam Goldsmith-Jones, Liberal, West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, BC]

Mr. Speaker, of course, at the time, members can see by our comprehensive and integrated approach, we were deliberate to get the steps in the right order. We appreciate the attention that the world focused on whether or not this was a case of genocide. We wished to have the evidence. We wished to participate in being able to prove it, and of course, we pushed the UN to make that declaration. The report has been most helpful.

I would like to thank the members opposite for bringing this motion forward and articulating some of the findings. We are on a very solid foundation with regard to foreign policy, with regard to national defence, and with regard to an immigration and refugee policy for Canada, and for those who are the victims of genocide in Syria.

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for her speech.

It is vital that we give those people asylum as well as humanitarian assistance and psychosocial care because they have been traumatized by their experiences.

I heard my colleague say that those who commit these horrible crimes must be brought to justice and held responsible for their actions.

I would like to ask my colleague two questions. First, if that applies to ISIS, should we also investigate the actions of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and those of Bashar al-Assad?

Second, the search for justice requires on-the-ground investigations to collect medical and legal evidence. It is very painstaking work that requires a lot of resources. Will Canada finance such efforts on the ground?

[Pam Goldsmith-Jones, Liberal, West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, BC]

Mr. Speaker, it is important to recognize that Canada is participating in a coalition of partners, and we are there to play our part. Absolutely, with regard to the investigation, we have devoted funds to making sure that evidence can be verified and documented and can get to the right place so that we can hold Daesh to account.

With regard to the first question, which is to bring a whole other matter into this discussion, I would rather we stay focused on what we are doing here as parliamentarians to defend the fact that the Yazidi are victims of genocide. We are in a unique position as a country to support that.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons]

Mr. Speaker, the member just said that we should focus our attention on the Yazidi. If we look at the Prime Minister's or this government's attitude toward refugees, in a very short time span, we were able to get a lot done. It is important to recognize our place in the world with respect to refugees. I would ask the member to comment on the support of refugees.

[Pam Goldsmith-Jones, Liberal, West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, BC]

Mr. Speaker, my colleague, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship, mentioned earlier this morning the model of leadership the minister has provided, particularly with regard to bringing 30,000 refugees from Syria to Canada. It was a meticulous process to ensure the health of people, to ensure the safety and security of Canadians, and to make sure that we are helping the most vulnerable.

I have had the opportunity, as have many of my colleagues, I am sure, to speak to international audiences, and Canada is very highly respected for the efforts we have made for those refugees, and we will continue in that vein.

[John McCallum, Liberal, Minister of Immigration]

Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to rise and speak on this subject. I think that crimes, even genocide, of which we are speaking, are so horrendous that this is an issue that should go beyond partisanship and on which we should be able to find agreement among all parties in the House.

That is partly why I am speaking a little late in this debate, because we have been in discussions with representatives from the Conservative Party to see if we could come to a common understanding on a motion that we could all support. Those discussions are ongoing. I do not think we have come to an agreement yet, but I think all members would agree that it is worth an effort. We have certain differences between us and the Conservatives, and possibly the NDP, but those differences are very minor compared with the overall urgency and importance of the issue that is before the House today.

I would hope that further discussions, which are now ongoing, will lead to some agreement among the parties so that we can all agree on this motion. Whether or not those discussions bear fruit, I would like to single out the Conservative critic, the member for Calgary Nose Hill, for her commitment on this topic and for her willingness to enter into discussions with us to try to find an all-party agreement.

I would also like to single out my parliamentary secretary, the member for Parkdale—High Park, and in particular, the chair of the immigration committee, the member for Etobicoke Centre, for the undying passion he has exhibited on this question of the Yazidi. At the risk of leaving someone out, I would like to also draw attention to other colleagues in the Liberal Party and my caucus who have been very active on this file in favour of the Yazidi. This would include the members for Ville-Marie—Le Sud-Ouest—Île-des-Soeurs, York Centre, Mount Royal, West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, and New Brunswick Southwest. I am sure there are others, such as the NDP member for Vancouver East.

I know that members from all parties have been very active on this issue, because we are shocked and horrified by the atrocities brought against the Yazidi people, but also against so many others, by Daesh and also in the context of the Syrian civil war.

That, of course, is why we did step up early in our mandate to commit to 25,000 refugees within a four-month period, a commitment that we honoured, and I am proud of that.

We want to work with the Conservatives, but I would point out that in terms of resettled refugees, we are bringing in three to four times more in 2016 than was the case in 2015. I am proud that Canadians from all walks of life stepped up to the plate so forcefully in favour of the Syrian refugee effort, and I am also grateful to all of the opposition parties, which professed their support for this initiative from the beginning.

It is also true that other countries have shown great support and admiration for what we have done; so much so, in fact, that we launched an initiative at the United Nations to basically export our model for private sponsorship of refugees. Thirteen countries have already expressed an interest, including the United Kingdom and the United States. Canadians can therefore be proud of our efforts to help refugees.

However, we are talking more specifically about the Yazidi today, so let me report, as the parliamentary secretary has already said, that a group of officials from my department has recently returned from Iraq. We could not discuss this before they returned, because there are very dangerous conditions on the ground there, and indeed, that is one of the constraints on quick action in that part of the world. Not only is it dangerous, but there is a war going on, as we speak, in Mosul, which is not too far from where our officials were just recently.

That is one of the reasons why it is not easy to quickly address this issue. I have yet to receive a full debrief from my officials. They have just returned, but I know that they had a twofold mission. One was to interview Syrian refugees located in Iraq, and the second was to confer with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization for Migration, or the UNHCR and the IOM, on options regarding assistance for Yazidis and the opportunity to bring more of them to Canada.

I might mention that the IOM and the UNHCR are absolutely critical to our efforts in this area. When we brought all the refugees from Syria, it was the UNHCR that provided the names of the vulnerable people, and the IOM provided indispensable help in terms of logistics.

In terms of the Yazidi issue, it is Canada working with those international parties that will seek to bring to Canada many people who are victims of Daesh, including the Yazidi people, who have been subjected to unconscionable aggression in the form of genocide.

I can report to the House that my department is working very actively and very assiduously to come up with a solution to this issue as soon as possible.

I might just say in closing, more generally, that in terms of the refugee crisis the world is facing, I think Canada did step up to the plate. I think we can be proud of our efforts. In terms of the numbers we took in, it may be three times more than in 2015, but it is still just a drop in the bucket compared with the millions of refugees around the world, and this is a worsening crisis. It is a crisis that is tearing apart various parts of the world, including the European Union. It has become an issue in the United States. I think we can be proud of what we have done, but it is obviously a major crisis for the world as a whole.

I think there are really three parts to the solution to this.

One is miliary action to end the war in Syria and to defeat ISIS, or Daesh. Members know that Canada is involved in that in an important way. The attempt to liberate Mosul is playing out as we speak. That is an important part of the overall solution.

The second important part is humanitarian relief. My colleague, the Minister of International Development, has announced assistance in the hundreds of millions of dollars for the region.

I know from my visits that front-line countries like Jordan and Lebanon have had a huge burden imposed upon them, with as much as one-quarter or one-third of their populations consisting of refugees. It is as if in Canada we had some nine million or 10 million refugees in our midst. The burden they are bearing is enormous, so a second part of the operation is to provide assistance to those countries.

Finally, last but not least, is to receive refugees, and we have done our bit. However, it would be desirable to extend the number of refugee-receiving countries beyond the usual performers: Australia, Canada, the United States. Possibly other countries around the world could be induced to do more in terms of receiving these refugees.

This is not a simple issue; it is very complex. However, I believe that the solution has three basic elements: first, a military component; second, financial aid for various countries; and third, the resettlement of refugees, not just here in Canada, but in other countries as well.

Finally, I do hope that the inter-party discussions will bear fruit and that we will be able to vote as a whole, together, on this motion. Whether or not that happens, I am confident that all of us, in slightly different, nuanced ways, nevertheless support a very major effort to assist the Yazidi in their hour of great need.

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Mr. Speaker, it was interesting for me to listen to the Minister of Immigration's speech. I do note a change in his tone with respect to these issues, and I appreciate that change in tone. However, I do want to get his comment on something he said here in question period on October 5. He said:

Mr. Speaker, we do not know how many Yazidi refugees have come to Canada, because when refugees come to Canada, we do not ask them their ethnicity or their religion. We do not discriminate by religion or ethnicity.

What concerns me about that is that the minister does not really seem to appreciate, in that statement at least, the importance of the refugee definition, being that we take those who are most vulnerable and those who face persecution on the basis of identifiable characteristics. It seemed as well that the parliamentary secretary said something a bit different in his speech. He said that we do not track these things. It sounded like he was saying that we do ask the questions up front, but we just do not track it afterward.

I want to ask the minister to clarify. Does what he said on October 5 still hold? Is what he said correct or is what his parliamentary secretary said correct? Do we ask these questions? Will the government finally begin to keep track of the level of vulnerability of those who come to this country?

[John McCallum, Liberal, Markham—Thornhill, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for his question, and I assure him there is no distinction between my position and that of my parliamentary secretary.

I am proud of the fact that from the beginning of our becoming the government and the Syrian refugee project, we have stated consistently and repeatedly that our position is to accept the most vulnerable people. Irrespective of religion, of community, of other characteristics, we will accept the most vulnerable people. We have lived by that commitment from the beginning and we retain that commitment today.

In terms of how we decide who are the most vulnerable in terms of the government-assisted refugees from Syria, we receive the names from the United Nations, UNHCR. It identifies those who are the most vulnerable and we take those names and choose from among those people. I can assure the member those people truly are vulnerable. We know now that they speak almost no English or French and often they do not have much education so it is some work to equip them for success in Canada, but we have achieved our objective in terms of receiving those who were truly vulnerable. It is the United Nations that decides the criteria. The member may recall that one of the criteria was gay men because in that part of the world they are particularly persecuted and therefore vulnerable.

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the minister for his speech, and for being so frank and open. It is greatly appreciated.

However, I would like to add something to what he said regarding the solution to the terrible crisis facing Syria and Iraq. The solution must be political and diplomatic, otherwise the problem will never really be solved.

Now that I have made that brief comment, I would like to ask the minister a question. Australia and Germany, for example, have taken specific measures to quickly relocate Yazidis. Has his department been in contact with representatives from those countries in order to discuss their experience and learn from their approach?

[John McCallum, Liberal, Markham—Thornhill, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for her question.

I used to be the defence minister. I do not agree that a military solution is never needed. For example, during the Second World War, a military solution was needed. I could give many other examples.

We held direct consultations on the ground in Iraq. My staff just got back to Canada. I have had discussions with the German government about issues related to immigration and refugees in general. In my opinion, Angela Merkel is a hero because she welcomed over one million refugees into Germany.

Maybe she was a little bit ahead of her people, but it was a great humanitarian act.

[Arnold Viersen, Conservative, Peace River—Westlock, AB]

Mr. Speaker, I am honoured to rise today in support of the motion put forward by my colleague, the member for Calgary Nose Hill. She has been a relentless advocate for the rights of women and girls, especially on behalf of the Yazidi girls in Syria and Iraq.

I also want to note that I will be splitting my time with the member for Calgary Shepard.

The motion before the House today focuses on the egregious and ongoing abuses faced by Yazidi women and girls, and identifies these actions as genocide. I want to take a moment to examine the Yazidi people, who have been subjected to this human rights abuse.

The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide states that a crime of genocide is committed when a person commits a prohibited act “with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such”.

In the case of Yazidis, they are an ethno-religious group, who identify with both ancestral heritage and shared religious culture. The Yazidis are ethnically Kurdish and practice Yazidism, which combines parts of Zoroastrianism, Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, and is believed to have originated in the 12th century. Today, the majority of this ethno-religious group can be found in the Nineveh region of Iraq, but smaller communities can be found throughout Syria, Turkey, Armenia, Georgia, and Russia.

The Yazidi people clearly qualify as a group under the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide based on their distinct ethnic and religious characteristics.

I think it is also important to examine why Yazidis, as well as Christians and Shia Muslims, are being targeted by ISIS. Each of these religious communities has faced horrific injustice at the hands of ISIS. However, the Yazidis face a fierce persecution since ISIS has branded them as devil worshippers. ISIS propaganda has shown a particular focus on trying to portray the Yazidis as subhuman.

One ISIS victim testified about her captor, “He told us that Taus Malik”, which is one of seven angels to whom the Yazidis pray, “is not God. He said that Taus Malik is the devil and that because you worship the devil, you belong to us. We can sell you and use you as we see fit.” In fact, an official ISIS ruling encouraged the sexual abuse and enslavement of Yazidi women and girls precisely because they were less than human as unbelievers.

The experiences of Yazidi women and girls, once captured, reflect a level of brutality and horror that is hard to comprehend or portray. Allow me to share the words of 22-year-old Noor, as she and other Yazidi women were enslaved for several months by ISIS:

Just imagine for a moment that you wake up one morning and watch as all the men in your family are taken away. A few hours later you hear the sounds of machine guns and screams.

Then imagine your terror as you, your grandmother, your mum, your sisters and your aunties, are herded on buses and driven away by the same people who took the men.

Imagine then being sold at a slave market a few days later along with your little sister to a man old enough to be your grandfather, who is fat and ugly and stinks of body odour.

Finally imagine being raped by this man every day from then on, and when he’s bored with you, being turned over to his six guards to use as their plaything, to be gang raped after they’ve got themselves excited watching pornographic DVDs.

It sounds like the worst nightmare any girl could have, but for her, it was a reality. It was her life for a few short months. This has been the experience of countless Yazidi women and girls, and many more continue to be enslaved.

Last June, the House had the opportunity to denounce the actions of ISIS specifically with a motion “that the House strongly condemn these atrocities and declare that these crimes constitute genocide.”

As a newly elected member of Parliament, I was optimistic that the motion would receive support from all parties and present a strong statement to the world of Canada's commitment against ISIS and genocide, but more important, unanimous support for the motion would have sent a strong message of hope to the Yazidi victims of ISIS that we recognize the gravity of the injustices they have experienced. However, I was ashamed that when we had the opportunity to be united against evil, the Liberal government refused to acknowledge the actions of ISIS as genocide.

To be clear, the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide defines a genocide as the commission of prohibited acts against a group with the intent to destroy. Prohibited acts include killing members of this group, causing serious bodily or mental harm to this group, deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction in whole or in part, imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group, and forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

The UN report on the crimes against the Yazidis found that ISIS had committed every single prohibited act listed on the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Despite the overwhelming documented evidence of genocide, in June the Liberals alone voted against declaring the actions of ISIS a genocide. Conservatives are not afraid to label these crimes what they are, a genocide.

Today's motion is an opportunity for the government to correct its inaction on this important issue and to do the right thing. The Conservatives are calling on the government to develop an appropriate plan and corresponding action to respond to this humanitarian crisis.

As an automotive technician, I know first-hand that if we cannot measure it, we cannot manage it and we cannot improve it. The Liberal government has no plan to assist Yazidi women and girls, even though the Conservatives brought forward numerous recommendations for focusing on three key areas: humanitarian aid, military intervention, and resettlement. For example, we called on the government to act upon the June 16 United Nations recommendation to accelerate the asylum claims of Yazidi victims of genocide, as well as review the selection process used by the United Nations to identify refugees for the government-sponsored refugee stream and encourage changes, if any were necessary.

While many Yazidi men, women, and children have escaped ISIS and now live in refugee camps, they continue to face violence and persecution, as a result of their ethnicity and religion, from other refugees. The previous Conservative government attempted to prioritize persecuted religious, ethnic, and sexual minorities for resettlement in Canada.

ISIS continues to commit genocide against the Yazidis. Thousands of Yazidi women and girls continue to be raped, tortured, sold, and enslaved by ISIS. By refusing to act, the government has failed these Yazidi victims. We must take immediate action and I call on all members of the House to support the motion. This is the first step toward action. From here, we can build and go forward.